考研英語考級閱讀理解全文翻譯.doc

1、大學(xué)英語Text1Habits are a funny thing. We reach for them mindlessly, setting our brains on auto-pilot and relaxing into the unconscious comfort of familiar routine. “Not choice, but habit rules the unreflecting herd,” William Wordsworth said in the 19th century. In the ever-changing 21st century, even t

2、he word “habit” carries a negative connotation. So it seems antithetical to talk about habits in the same context as creativity and innovation. 習(xí)慣是件有趣的事情。我們無意識間養(yǎng)成了一些習(xí)慣，我們的大腦是自動運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)的，輕松進(jìn)入熟知套路所帶來的不自覺舒適狀態(tài)?！斑@并非選擇，而是習(xí)慣控制了那些沒有思想的人”，這是威廉華茲華斯（William Wordsworth）19世紀(jì)時說的話。在現(xiàn)在這個日新月異的21世紀(jì)，甚至習(xí)慣這個詞本身也帶有負(fù)面涵義。因此，在創(chuàng)造和

3、革新的背景下來談?wù)摿?xí)慣，似乎顯得有點(diǎn)矛盾。But brain researchers have discovered that when we consciously develop new habits, we create parallel synaptic paths, and even entirely new brain cells, that can jump our trains of thought onto new, innovative tracks. But dont bother trying to kill off old habits; once those rut

4、s of procedure are worn into the hippocampus, theyre there to stay. Instead, the new habits we deliberately ingrain into ourselves create parallel pathways that can bypass those old roads.但大腦研究人員發(fā)現(xiàn)，當(dāng)我們有意識地培養(yǎng)新的習(xí)慣的時候，我們創(chuàng)建了平行路徑，甚至是全新的腦細(xì)胞，可以讓我們的思路跳轉(zhuǎn)到新的創(chuàng)新軌道上來。但是，不必費(fèi)心試圖擯棄各種舊習(xí)慣；一旦這些程序慣例融進(jìn)大腦，它們就會留在那里。相反，我們刻

5、意培養(yǎng)的新習(xí)慣會創(chuàng)建平行路徑能避開原來那些老路?！癟he first thing needed for innovation is a fascination with wonder,” says Dawna Markova, author of “The Open Mind” and an executive change consultant for Professional Thinking Partners. “But we are taught instead to decide, just as our president calls himself the Decider. ”

6、She adds, however, that “to decide is to kill off all possibilities but one. A good innovational thinker is always exploring the many other possibilities.”開放思想一書的作者Dawna Markova說：“革新所需要的第一樣?xùn)|西，就是一種對好奇的著迷。然而我們被教導(dǎo)去做決定，就像我們的總裁稱呼自己為決策者那樣?！彼a(bǔ)充道，“但是，決定意味著否決一切可能性而只保留一種。一個優(yōu)秀的具有革新精神的思想者總是在探尋許多其它的可能?！盇ll of us

7、 work through problems in ways of which were unaware, she says. Researchers in the late 1960 covered that humans are born with the capacity to approach challenges in four primary ways: analytically, procedurally, relationally (or collaboratively) and innovatively. At puberty, however, the brain shut

8、s down half of that capacity, preserving only those modes of thought that have seemed most valuable during the first decade or so of life.她說，我們都是通過一些自己沒有意識到的方法解決問題的。研究人員在20世紀(jì)60年代末發(fā)現(xiàn)人類天生主要用四種方法應(yīng)對挑戰(zhàn)。這四種方法是分析法，程序法，關(guān)聯(lián)（或合作）法和創(chuàng)新法。但是在青春期結(jié)束的時候，大腦關(guān)閉一半的能力，僅僅保留了那些大約在生命最開始的十幾年時間里似乎是最有價(jià)值的思維方式。The current emphasi

9、s on standardized testing highlights analysis and procedure, meaning that few of us inherently use our innovative and collaborative modes of thought. “This breaks the major rule in the American belief system that anyone can do anything,” explains M. J. Ryan, author of the 2006 book “This Year I Will

10、.” and Ms. Markovas business partner. “Thats a lie that we have perpetuated, and it fosters commonness. Knowing what youre good at and doing even more of it creates excellence.” This is where developing new habits comes in.目前標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化測試主要強(qiáng)調(diào)分析和程序的能力，也就是說，我們中很少有人會本能地使用創(chuàng)新和合作的思維方式。M.J.Ryan是2006年出版的著作今年我將.一書的作

11、者以及Markova女士的商業(yè)合作伙伴，她解釋說：“這打破了美國信念體系里的主要規(guī)則任何人都可以做任何事。這是一個我們已經(jīng)使之永恒的謊言，這造就了平庸。了解你擅長什么并且多去實(shí)踐就會成就卓越?！边@就是培養(yǎng)新習(xí)慣的目的。Text 2 It is a wise father that knows his own child, but today a man can boost his paternal (fatherly) wisdom or at least confirm that hes the kids dad. All he needs to do is shell our $30 fo

12、r paternity testing kit (PTK) at his local drugstore and another $120 to get the results.More than 60,000 people have purchased the PTKs since they first become available without prescriptions last years, according to Doug Fog, chief operating officer of Identigene, which makes the over-the-counter

13、kits. 再聰明的父親也未必了解自己的孩子，但是如今男人可以提升其為人之父的智慧，至少可以確認(rèn)他是孩子的父親。他所要做的就是在當(dāng)?shù)厮幍昀镏Ц?0美元買一個父子關(guān)系測試包（PTK），然后另支付120美元以獲得該測試的各項(xiàng)結(jié)果。Doug Fogg是Identigene (生產(chǎn)這種在藥店可以出售的測試包的公司)的首席運(yùn)營官，他說，自從去年P(guān)TK不需要處方就能購買以來，已經(jīng)有超過6萬人購買了該產(chǎn)品。More than two dozen companies sell DNA tests Directly to the public , ranging in price from a few hund

14、red dollars to more than $2500.Among the most popular : paternity and kinship testing , which adopted children can use to find their biological relatives and latest rage a many passionate genealogists-and supports businesses that offer to search for a familys geographic roots .超過24家公司直接向公眾出售DNA檢測工具，

15、價(jià)格從幾百美元到2500多美元不等。其中最受歡迎的是父子和血緣關(guān)系檢測，被收養(yǎng)的孩子可以利用它找到自己的有血緣關(guān)系的親屬，而家庭也可以用它來找到被人收養(yǎng)的孩子。DNA檢測也得到了許多熱心的家譜學(xué)專家的推崇，還為那些尋找家族地域根源的服務(wù)公司提供了支持。Most tests require collecting cells by webbing saliva in the mouth and sending it to the company for testing. All tests require a potential candidate with whom to compare DNA

16、. But some observers are skeptical, “There is a kind of false precision being hawked by people claiming they are doing ancestry testing,” says Trey Duster, a New York University sociologist. 多數(shù)測試需要從口腔唾液中獲取細(xì)胞，并將唾液送至公司進(jìn)行檢測。所有的測試都需要一個潛在的對照者，以便進(jìn)行DNA對比。但是，一些觀察家們持懷疑態(tài)度。紐約大學(xué)的社會學(xué)家Troy Duster說，“那些聲稱可以進(jìn)行血統(tǒng)測試的人

17、在散播一種虛假的精確信息”。 He notes that each individual has many ancestors-numbering in the hundreds just a few centuries back. Yet most ancestry testing only considers a single lineage, either the Y chromosome inherited through men in a fathers line or mitochondrial DNA, which a passed down only from mothers.

18、 This DNA can reveal genetic information about only one or two ancestors, even though, for example, just three generations back people also have six other great-grandparents or, four generations back, 14 other great-great-grandparents.他注意到每個人都有許多祖先，僅幾個世紀(jì)以前就有好幾百個。但是大多數(shù)血統(tǒng)檢測只考慮單一的血統(tǒng)，要么只考慮來自父親的男性遺傳Y染色體，

19、要么只考慮遺傳自母親的線粒體DNA。這個DNA只能顯示一兩個祖先的基因信息，即使是這樣，僅僅上溯到3代之前，舉個例子來說，人們還有6個曾祖父母，或者上溯到4代以前，人們還有14個曾曾祖父母（的基因信息是顯示不出的）。Critics also argue that commercial genetic testing is only as good as the reference collections to which a sample is compared. Databases used by some companies dont rely on data collected syst

20、ematically but rather lump together information from different research projects. This means that a DNA database may differ depending on the company that processes the results. In addition, the computer programs a company uses to estimate relationships may be patented and not subject to peer review

21、or outside evaluation. 批評家們還認(rèn)為，商業(yè)性基因檢測實(shí)際上也就是比對樣本的參考資料庫。一些公司使用的數(shù)據(jù)庫里的數(shù)據(jù)并非系統(tǒng)收集所得，而是將不同研究項(xiàng)目的信息整合在一起。這意味某個DNA數(shù)據(jù)庫可能會從某些地區(qū)收集到很多信息，而別的地區(qū)卻沒有收集到任何信息，所以一個人的測試結(jié)果會隨著測試公司的不同而不同。此外，公司用來評估血緣關(guān)系的軟件程序可能是其專利，所以這些軟件缺乏同類比較或外界評估。Text 3 The relationship between formal education and economic growth in poor countries is wide

22、ly misunderstood by economists and politicians alike progress in both area is undoubtedly necessary for the social, political and intellectual development of these and all other societies; however, the conventional view that education should be one of the very highest priorities for promoting rapid

23、economic development in poor countries is wrong. 貧窮國家中正規(guī)教育與經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展之間的關(guān)系為經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家及政治家們普遍誤解。毫無疑問，在這兩個方面都有所進(jìn)步對于這些國家及其他國家的社會、政治及學(xué)術(shù)發(fā)展而言是必要的，但是那種認(rèn)為“教育應(yīng)該是促進(jìn)貧窮國家經(jīng)濟(jì)快速發(fā)展的重要因素之一”的傳統(tǒng)觀點(diǎn)是錯誤的。We are fortunate that is it, because new educational systems there and putting enough people through them to improve economic perf

24、ormance would require two or three generations. The findings of a research institution have consistently shown that workers in all countries can be trained on the job to achieve radical higher productivity and, as a result, radically higher standards of living.我們慶幸這個傳統(tǒng)觀點(diǎn)的確是錯誤的，因?yàn)閯?chuàng)立新的教育體制，讓足夠多的人接受教育以

25、推動經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展需要兩代或三代人來完成。一家研究機(jī)構(gòu)的研究成果一再表明所有國家的工人都可以進(jìn)行（非正規(guī)）培訓(xùn)上崗以大幅度提高生產(chǎn)率，從而提高生活水平。Ironically, the first evidence for this idea appeared in the United States. Not long ago, with the country entering a recessing and Japan at its pre-bubble peak. The U.S. workforce was derided as poorly educated and one of prim

26、ary cause of the poor U.S. economic performance. Japan was, and remains, the global leader in automotive-assembly productivity. 具有諷刺意味的是，這一觀點(diǎn)的首個證據(jù)出現(xiàn)在美國。不久前，隨著美國進(jìn)入衰退，日本正處于泡沫破滅前的高峰期，美國工人被嘲諷沒有受過良好教育，并且被認(rèn)為這是美國經(jīng)濟(jì)不景氣的主要原因之一。在全球，不管過去還是現(xiàn)在，日本一直是汽車組裝生產(chǎn)力的領(lǐng)袖。Yet the research revealed that the U.S. factories of

27、Honda Nissan, and Toyota achieved about 95 percent of the productivity of their Japanese countere pants a result of the training that U.S. workers received on the job.More recently, while examing housing construction, the researchers discovered that illiterate, non-English- speaking Mexican workers

28、in Houston, Texas, consistently met best-practice labor productivity standards despite the complexity of the building industrys work.然而，研究表明本田、尼桑和豐田位于美國工廠的生產(chǎn)率大約是日本同行的95%，這是美國工人接受在職培訓(xùn)的結(jié)果。最近，在進(jìn)行住房建設(shè)檢查時，研究人員發(fā)現(xiàn)在德克薩斯州的休斯頓，盡管建筑行業(yè)的工作復(fù)雜，但是未受過教育的，英語不是母語的墨西哥工人總是能夠達(dá)到最佳的勞動生產(chǎn)率的各項(xiàng)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。What is the real relationship

29、between education and economic development? We have to suspect that continuing economic growth promotes the development of education even when governments dont force it. After all, thats how education got started. When our ancestors were hunters and gatherers 10,000 years ago, they didnt have time t

30、o wonder much about anything besides finding food. Only when humanity began to get its food in a more productive way was there time for other things.教育與經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展之間的真正關(guān)系到底是什么？我們不得不懷疑，即使政府不強(qiáng)迫發(fā)展教育，經(jīng)濟(jì)持續(xù)增長也會促進(jìn)教育事業(yè)的發(fā)展。畢竟，教育就是那樣開始的。一萬年前當(dāng)我們的祖先還在狩獵和采集野果時，除了尋找食物他們沒有時間想其它很多的東西。只有當(dāng)人類能夠更高效地獲取食物時，才有時間做其它的事情。As educati

31、on improved, humanitys productivity potential, they could in turn afford more education. This increasingly high level of education is probably a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for the complex political systems required by advanced economic performance. Thus poor countries might not be ab

32、le to escape their poverty traps without political changes that may be possible only with broader formal education. 隨著教育的進(jìn)步，人類的生產(chǎn)潛力也增加了。當(dāng)競爭的環(huán)境推動我們的祖先實(shí)現(xiàn)這一生產(chǎn)潛力，他們反過來，又有能力獲得更多的教育機(jī)會。先進(jìn)的經(jīng)濟(jì)水平要求復(fù)雜的政治制度，越來越高的教育水平可能是這種復(fù)雜政治制度的必要的，但不是充分的條件。因此，政治改革才可以使貧窮國家擺脫貧困陷阱，而政治改革則只能靠更廣泛的正規(guī)教育實(shí)現(xiàn)。A lack of formal education, h

33、owever, doesnt constrain the ability of the developing worlds workforce to substantially improve productivity for the forested future. On the contrary, constraints on improving productivity explain why education isnt developing more quickly there than it is.但是，發(fā)展中國家的勞動力在可預(yù)見的未來充分提高生產(chǎn)力的能力沒有因缺乏正規(guī)教育而受到限

34、制。相反，正是因?yàn)樯a(chǎn)力的提高受到了各種限制，所以發(fā)展中國家的教育發(fā)展速度不能更快地發(fā)展。Text 4 The most thoroughly studied in the history of the new world are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenth-century New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was “So much importan

35、t attached to intellectual pursuit” According to many books and articles, New Englands leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.在新大陸的歷史上，被研究的最徹底的學(xué)者是17世紀(jì)新英格蘭的牧師和政治領(lǐng)袖們。根據(jù)美國標(biāo)準(zhǔn)哲學(xué)史的記載，在美洲殖民地中，沒有任何地方比新英格蘭地區(qū)“更重視對學(xué)術(shù)的追求。

36、”據(jù)許多書籍及文章認(rèn)為，新英格蘭的領(lǐng)袖們在美國學(xué)術(shù)界中確立了正在發(fā)展、后來成為主流的清教傳統(tǒng)的基本主題和關(guān)注點(diǎn)。To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church-important subjects that we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of souther

37、n intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture adjusting to New world circumstances. 通過這條途徑來了解新英格蘭人，通常意味著要首先研究清教徒的神學(xué)創(chuàng)新和對于教會的獨(dú)特看法這是我們不可忽略的重要課題。但是為了與我們對南部思想生活的研究保持一致，我們可以將最初的清教徒們視作歐洲文化的傳遞者，他們根據(jù)新大陸的情況進(jìn)行了調(diào)整。The New England colonies were the scenes of important

38、 episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity. The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts church in the decade after 1629,There were poli

39、tical leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. 在追求一些廣泛認(rèn)同的文化藝術(shù)理想過程中，新英格蘭殖民地發(fā)生了許多重要的事情。馬薩諸塞州的最早定居者包括那些在英格蘭接受過良好的教育并深具影響力的英國人。在1629年之后的十年間，除了90多位來到馬薩諸塞教堂的有學(xué)識的牧師，還有像約翰溫斯羅普（John Winthrop）這樣的政治領(lǐng)袖，他是一位受過良好教育的紳士、律師，到波士頓之前曾是皇室官員。There

40、 men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness. We should not forget , however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few crafts men or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary compositions to be