2009年上海外國語大學(xué)英語綜合及答案(共8頁)

1、精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)專心-專注-專業(yè)精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)上海外國語大學(xué)2009年英語語言文學(xué)英語綜合考研試題 英語綜合 改錯(cuò)A fairly standard consensual definition is a relatively permanent change in behavior (sic.; its American of course) that results from practise. This is of course arguable, particularly the practice crite

2、rion. Others would accept changes in capability or even simple knowledge or understanding, even if it is not manifest in behaviour. It is however an important criterion that learned behaviour is not pre-programmed or wholly instinctive (not a word used much nowadays), even if an instinctual drive un

3、derpins it. Behaviour can also change as a result of maturation-simple growing-up-without being totally learned. Think of the changing attitude of children and adolescents to opposite-sex peers. Whatever the case, there has to be interaction with the environment.Even if psychologists ever agree abou

4、t what learning is, in practice educationalists wont, because education introduces prescriptive notions about specifying what ought to be learnt, and there is considerable dispute about whether this ought only to be what the teacher wants the learner to learn (implicit in behavioural models), or wha

5、t the learner wants to learn (as in humanistic models).2009英語語言文學(xué) 完形填空 全文Obtaining Linguistic DataMany procedures are available for obtaining data about a language. They range from a carefully planned, intensive field investigation in a foreign country to a casual introspection about ones mother ton

6、gue carried out in an armchair at home.In all cases, someone has to act as a source of language data - an informant. Informants are(ideally) native speakers of a language, who provide utterances for analysis and other kinds of information about the language(e.g. translations, comments about correctn

7、ess, or judgements on usage). Often, when studying their mother tongue, linguists act as their own informants, judging the ambiguity, acceptability, or other properties of utterances against their own intuitions. The convenience of this approach makes it widely used, and it is considered the norm in

8、 the generative approach to linguistics. But a linguists personal judgements are often uncertain, or disagree with the judgements of other linguists, at which point recourse is needed to more objective methods of enquiry, using non-linguists as informants. The latter procedure is unavoidable when wo

9、rking on foreign languages, or child speech.Many factors must be considered when selecting informants - whether one is working with single speakers(a common situation when languages have not been described before), two people interacting, small groups or large-scale samples. Age, sex, social backgro

10、und and other aspects of identity are important, as these factors are known to influence the kind of language used. The topic of conversation and the characteristics of the social setting(e.g. the level of formality) are also highly relevant, as are the personal qualities of the informants(e.g. thei

11、r fluency and consistency). For larger studies, scrupulous attention has been paid to the sampling theory employed, and in all cases, decisions have to be made about the best investigative techniques to use.Today, researchers often tape-record informants. This enables the linguists claims about the

12、language to be checked, and provides a way of making those claims more accurate(difficult pieces of speech can be listened to repeatedly). But obtaining naturalistic, good-quality data is never easy. People talk abnormally when they know they are being recorded, and sound quality can be poor. A vari

13、ety of tape-recording procedures have thus been devised to minimise the observers paradox(how to observe the way people behave when they are not bening observed). Some recordings are made without the speaker being aware of the fact - a procedure that obtains very natural data, though ethical objecti

14、ons must be anticipated. Alternatively, attempts can be made to make the speaker forget about the recording, such as keeping the tape recorder out of sight, or using radio microphones. A useful technique is to introduce a topic that quickly involves the speaker, and stimulates a natural language sty

15、le(e.g. asking older informants about how times have changed in their locality).An audio tape recording does not solve all the linguists problems, however. Speech is often unclear and ambiguous. Where possible , therefore, the recording has to be supplemented by the observers written comments on the

16、 non-verbal behaviour of the participants, and about the context in general. A facial expression, for example, can dramatically alter the meaning of what is said. Video recordings avoid these problems to a large extent, but even they have limitations(the camera connot be everywhere), and transcripti

17、ons always benefit from any additional commentary provided by an observer.Linguists also make great use of structured sessions, in which they systematically ask their informants for utterances that describe certain actions, objects or behaviour. With a bilingual informant, or through use of an inter

18、preter, it is possible to use translation techniques(How do you say table in your language?). A large number of points can be covered in a short time, using interview worksheets and questionnaires. Often, the researcher wishes to obtain information about just a single variable, in which case a restr

19、icted set of questions may be used: a particular feature of pronunciation, for example, can be elicited by asking the informant to say a restricted set of words. There are also several direct methods of elicitation, such as asking informants to fill in the blanks in a substitution frame(e.g I_see a

20、car), or feeding them the wrong stimulus for correction(Is it possible to say I no can see?).A representative sample of language, compiled for the purpose of linguistic analysis, is known as a corpus. A corpus enables the linguist to make unbiased statements about frequency of usage, and it provides

21、 accessible data for the use of different researchers. Its range and size are variable. Some corpora attempt to cover the language as a whole, taking extracts from many kinds of text; others are extremely selective, providing a collection of material that deals only with a particular linguistic feat

22、ure. The size of the porpus depends on practical factors, such as the time available to collect, process and store the data: it can take up to several hours to provide an accurate transcription of a few minutes of speech. Sometimes a small sample of data will be enough to decide a linguistic hypothe

23、sis; by contrast, corpora in major research projects can total millions of words. An important principle is that all corpora, whatever their size, are inevitably limited in their coverage, and always need to be supplemented by data derived from the intuitions of native speakers of the language, thro

24、ugh either introspection or experimentation.英語綜合 閱讀理解Passage 1BAKELITEThe birth of modern plasticsIn 1907, Leo Hendrick Baekeland, a Belgian scientist working in New York, discovered and patented a revolutionary new synthetic material. His invention, which he named Bakelite, was of enormous technolo

25、gical importance, and effectively launched the modern plastics industry.The term plastic comes from the Greek plassein, meaning to mould. Some plastics are derived from natural sources, some are semi-synthetic (the result of chemical action on a natural substance), and some are entirely synthetic, t

26、hat is, chemically engineered from the constituents of coal or oil. Some are thermoplastic, which means that, like candlewax, they melt when heated and can then be reshaped. Others are thermosetting: like eggs, they cannot revert to their original viscous state, and their shape is thus fixed for eve

27、r., Bakelite had the distinction of being the first totally synthetic thermosetting plastic.The history of todays plastics begins with the discovery of a series of semi-synthetic thermoplastic materials in the mid-nineteenth century. The impetus behind the development of these early plastics was gen

28、erated by a number of factors - immense technological progress in the domain of chemistry, coupled with wider cultural changes, and the pragmatic need to find acceptable substitutes for dwindling supplies of luxury materials such as tortoiseshell and ivory.Baekelands interest in plastics began in 18

29、85 when, as a young chemistry student in Belgium, he embarked on research into phenolic resins, the group of sticky substances produced when phenol (carbolic acid) combines with an aldehyde (a volatile fluid similar to alcohol). He soon abandoned the subject, however, only returning to it some years

30、 later. By 1905 he was a wealthy New Yorker, having recently made his fortune with the invention of a new photographic paper. While Baekeland had been busily amassing dollars, some advances had been made in the development of plastics. The years 1899 and 1900 had seen the patenting of the first semi

31、-synthetic thermosetting material that could be manufactured on an industrial scale. In purely scientific terms, Baekelands major contribution to the field is not so much the actual discovery of the material to which he gave his name, but rather the method by which a reaction between phenol and form

32、aldehyde could be controlled, thus making possible its preparation on a commercial basis. On 13 July 1907, Baekeland took out his famous patent describing this preparation, the essential features of which are still in use today.The original patent outlined a three-stage process, in which phenol and

33、formaldehyde (from wood or coal) were initially combined under vacuum inside a large egg-shaped kettle. The result was a resin known as Novalak, which became soluble and malleable when heated. The resin was allowed to cool in shallow trays until it hardened, and then broken up and ground into powder

34、. Other substances were then introduced: including fillers, such as woodflour, asbestos or cotton, which increase strength and. moisture resistance, catalysts (substances to speed up the reaction between two chemicals without joining to either) and hexa, a compound of ammonia and formaldehyde which

35、supplied the additional formaldehyde necessary to form a thermosetting resin. This resin was then left to cool and harden, and ground up a second time. The resulting granular powder was raw Bakelite, ready to be made into a vast range of manufactured objects. In the last stage, the heated Bakelite w

36、as poured into a hollow mould of the required shape and subjected to extreme heat and pressure; thereby setting its form for life.The design of Bakelite objects, everything from earrings to television sets, was governed to a large extent by the technical requirements of the moulding process. The obj

37、ect could not be designed so that it was locked into the mould and therefore difficult to extract. A common general rule was that objects should taper towards the deepest part of the mould, and if necessary the product was moulded in separate pieces. Moulds had to be carefully designed so that the m

38、olten Bakelite would flow evenly and completely into the mould. Sharp corners proved impractical and were thus avoided, giving rise to the smooth, streamlined style popular in the 1930s. The thickness of the walls of the mould was also crucial: thick walls took longer to cool and harden, a factor wh

39、ich had to be considered by the designer in order to make the most efficient use of machines.Baekelands invention, although treated with disdain in its early years, went on to enjoy an unparalleled popularity which lasted throughout the first half of the twentieth century. It became the wonder produ

40、ct of the new world of industrial expansion -the material of a thousand uses. Being both non-porous and heat-resistant, Bakelite kitchen goods were promoted as being germ-free and sterilisable. Electrical manufacturers seized on its insulating: properties, and consumers everywhere relished its dazzl

41、ing array of shades, delighted that they were now, at last, no longer restricted to the wood tones and drab browns of the prepfastic era. It then fell from favour again during the 1950s, and was despised and destroyed in vast quantities. Recently, however, it has been experiencing something of a ren

42、aissance, with renewed demand for original Bakelite objects in the collectors marketplace, and museums, societies and dedicated individuals once again appreciating the style and originality of this innovative material.英語綜合 閱讀理解 Passage 2Nature or Nurture? A few years ago, in one of the most fascinat

43、ing and disturbing experiments in behavioural psychology, Stanley Milgram of Yale University tested 40 subjects from all walks of life for their willingness to obey instructions given by a leader in a situation in which the subjects might feel a personal distaste for the actions they were called upo

44、n to perform. Specifically, Milgram told each volunteer teacher-subject that the experiment was in the noble cause of education, and was designed to test whether or not punishing pupils for their mistakes would have a positive effect on the pupils ability to learn. Milgrams experimental set-up invol

45、ved placing the teacher-subject before a panel of thirty switches with labels ranging from 15 vols of electricity (slight shock) to 450 volts (danger - severe shock) in steps of 15 volts each. The teacher-subject was told that whenever the pupil gave the wrong answer to a question, a shock was to be

46、 administered, beginning at the lowest level and increasing in severity with each successive wrong answer. The supposed pupil was in reality an actor hired by Milgram to simulate receiving the shocks by emitting a spectrum of groans, screams and writhings together with an assortment of statements an

47、d expletives denouncing both the experiment and the experimenter. Milgram told the teacher-subject to ignore the reactions of the pupil, and to administer whatever level of shock was called for, as per the rule governing the experimental situation of the moment. As the experiment unfolded, the pupil

48、 would deliberately give the wrong answers to questions posed by the teacher, thereby bringing on various electrical punishments, even up to the danger level of 300 volts and beyond. Many of the teacher-subjects balked at administering the higher levels of punishment, and turned to Milgram with ques

49、tioning looks and/or complaints about continuing the experiment. In these situations, Milgram calmly explained that the teacher-subject was to ignore the pupils cries for mercy and carry on with the experiment. If the subject was still reluctant to proceed, Milgram said that it was important for the

50、 sake of the experiment that the procedure be followed through to the end. His final argument was, You have no other choice. You must go on. What Milgram was trying to discover was the number of teacher-subjects who would be willing to administer the highest levels of shock, even in the face of stro

51、ng personal and moral revulsion against the rules and conditions of the experiment. Prior to carrying out the experiment, Milgram explained his idea to a group of 39 psychiatrists and asked them to predict the average percentage of people in an ordinary population who would be willing to administer

52、the highest shock level of 450 volts. The overwhelming consensus was that virtually all the teacher-subjects would refuse to obey the experimenter. They psychiatrists felt that most subjects would not go beyond 150 volts and they further anticipated that only four per cent would go up to 300 volts.

53、Furthermore, they thought that only a lunatic fringe of about one in 1,000 would give the highest shock of 450 volts. What were the actuatl results? Well, over 60 per cent of the teacher-subjects continued to obey Milgram up to the 450-volt limit! In repetitions of the experiment in other countries,

54、 the percentage of obedient teacher-subjects was even higher, reaching 85 per cent in one country. How can we possible account for this vast discrepancey between what calm, rational, knowledgeable people predict in the comfort of their study and what pressured, flustered, but cooperative teachers ac

55、tually do in the laboratory of real life? Ones first inclination might be to argue that there must be some sort of built-in animal aggression instinct that was activated by the experimental, and the Milgrams teacher-subjects were just following a genetic need to discharge this pent-up primal urge on

56、to the pupil by administering the electrical shosck. A modern hard-core sociobiologist might even go so far as to claim that this aggressive instinct evolved as an advantageous trait, having been of survival value to our ancestors in their struggle against the hardships of life on the plains and in

57、the caves, ultimately finding its way into our genetic make-up as a remnant of our ancient animal ways. An alternative to this notion of genetic programming is to see the teacher-subjects actions as a result of the social environment under which the experiment was carried out. As Milgram himself poi

58、nted out, Most subjects in the experiment see their behaviour in a larger context that is benevolent and useful to society - the pursuit of scientific truth. The psychological laboratory has a strong claim to legitimacy and evokes trust and confidence in those who perform there. An action such as sh

59、ocking a victim, which in isolation apears evil, acquires a completely different meaning when placed in this setting. Thus, in this explanation the subject merges his unique personality and personal and moral code with that of larger institutional structures, surrendering individual properties like

60、loyalty, self-sacrifice and discipline to the service of malevolent systems of authority. Here we have two radically different explanations for why so many teacher-subjects were willing to forgot their sense of personal responsibility for the sake of an institutional authority figure. The problem fo