奧巴馬中東和北非講話

1、Moment of Opportunity: American Diplomacy in the Middle East & North Africa SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you all, and welcome to the State Department. I am delighted to be here to welcome the President as well as our colleagues from the Diplomatic Corps, Senator Kerry, and senior officials from acro

2、ss our government, and especially the many young Foreign Service and Civil Servants who are here today. Mr. President, from your first days in office you have charged us with implementing a bold new approach for Americas foreign policy a new blueprint for how we advance our values, project our leade

3、rship, and strengthen our partnerships. We have seen that in a changing world, Americas leadership is more essential than ever, but that we often must lead in new and innovative ways. And so, Mr. President, these Foreign Service Officers and these Civil Servants, the men and women of the State Depar

4、tment and USAID, work every day to translate your vision into real results results on the ground in nearly every country in the world. That is why the work we have done to provide them with the tools and resources they need to perform their mission is so important. And its why we need to keep making

5、 the case for those resources. Because alongside our colleagues in the Defense Department, America's diplomats and development experts of the State Department and USAID are on the front lines of protecting Americas security, advancing Americas interests, and projecting Americas values. As a wave

6、 of change continues to sweep across the Middle East and North Africa, they are carrying our diplomacy and development far beyond the embassy walls engaging with citizens in the streets and through social networks as they seek to move from protests to politics; with NGOs and businesses working to cr

7、eate new economic opportunities; and with transitional leaders trying to build the institutions of genuine democracy. They represent the best of America, and I am so proud to have them as our face to the world. Mr. President, it is fitting that you have chosen to come here to the State Department to

8、 speak about the dramatic changes we have witnessed around the world this year. Now, on the back wall of this historic Benjamin Franklin Room is a portrait of the leader of Tunis, given as a gift in 1865 by the people of Tunisia in honor of the enduring friendship between our nations at the end of o

9、ur Civil War. A century and a half later, Tunisians and courageous citizens from across the region have given the world another gift: a new opening to work together for democracy and dignity, for peace and opportunity. These are the values that made America a great nation, but they do not belong to

10、us alone. They are truly universal. And it is profoundly in our interest that more people in more places claim them as their own. This moment belongs to the people of the Middle East and North Africa. They have seized control of the ir destiny and will make the choices that determine how the future

11、of the region unfolds. But, for America, this is a moment that calls out for clear vision, firm principles, and a sophisticated understanding of the indispensable role our country can and must play in the world. Those have been the hallmarks of President Obamas leadership from his first day in offic

12、e. So, it is with great confidence and faith in our future that I welcome the President of the United States, Barack Obama. (Applause. THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you. (Applause. Thank you very much. Thank you. Please, have a seat. Thank you very much. I want to begin by thanking Hillary Clinton

13、, who has traveled so much these last six months that she is approaching a new landmark - one million frequent flyer miles. (Laughter. I count on Hillary every single day, and I believe that she will go down as one of the finest Secretaries of State in our nations history. The State Department is a

14、fitting venue to mark a new chapter in American diplomacy. For six months, we have witnessed an extraordinary change taking place in the Middle East and North Africa. Square by square, town by town, country by country, the people have risen up to demand their basic human rights. Two leaders have ste

15、pped aside. More may follow. And though these countries may be a great distance from our shores, we know that our own future is bound to this region by the forces of economics and security, by history and by faith. Today, I want to talk about this change - the forces that are driving it and how we c

16、an respond in a way that advances our values and strengthens our security. Now, already, weve done much to shift our foreign policy following a decade defined by two costly conflicts. After years of war in Iraq, weve removed 100,000 American troops and ended our combat mission there. In Afghanistan,

17、 weve broken the Talibans momentum, and this July we will begin to bring our troops home and continue a transition to Afghan lead. And after years of war against al Qaeda and its affiliates, we have dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader, Osama bin Laden. Bin Laden was no martyr. He was a

18、mass murderer who offered a message of hate - an insistence that Muslims had to take up arms against the West, and that violence against men, women and children was the only path to change. He rejected democracy and individual rights for Muslims in favor of violent extremism; his agenda focused on w

19、hat he could destroy - not what he could build. Bin Laden and his murderous vision won some adherents. But even before his death, al Qaeda was losing its struggle for relevance, as the overwhelming majority of people saw that the slaughter of innocents did not answer their cries for a better life. B

20、y the time we found bin Laden, al Qaedas agenda had come to be seen by the vast majority of the region as a dead end, and the people of the Middle East and North A frica had taken their future into their own hands. That story of self-determination began six months ago in Tunisia. On December 17th, a

21、 young vendor named Mohammed Bouazizi was devastated when a police officer confiscated his cart. This was not unique. Its the same kind of humiliation that takes place every day in many parts of the world - the relentless tyranny of governments that deny their citizens dignity. Only this time, somet

22、hing different happened. After local officials refused to hear his complaints, this young man, who had never been particularly active in politics, went to the headquarters of the provincial government, doused himself in fuel, and lit himself on fire. There are times in the course of history when the

23、 actions of ordinary citizens spark movements for change because they speak to a longing for freedom that has been building up for years. In America, think of the defiance of those patriots in Boston who refused to pay taxes to a King, or the dignity of Rosa Parks as she sat courageously in her seat

24、. So it was in Tunisia, as that vendors act of desperation tapped into the frustration felt throughout the country. Hundreds of protesters took to the streets, then thousands. And in the face of batons and sometimes bullets, they refused to go home - day after day, week after week - until a dictator

25、 of more than two decades finally left power. The story of this revolution, and the ones that followed, should not have come as a surprise. The nations of the Middle East and North Africa won their independence long ago, but in too many places their people did not. In too many countries, power has b

26、een concentrated in the hands of a few. In too many countries, a citizen like that young vendor had nowhere to turn - no honest judiciary to hear his case; no independent media to give him voice; no credible political party to represent his views; no free and fair election where he could choose his

27、leader. And this lack of self-determination - the chance to make your life what you will - has applied to the regions economy as well. Yes, some nations are blessed with wealth in oil and gas, and that has led to pockets of prosperity. But in a global economy based on knowledge, based on innovation,

28、 no development strategy can be based solely upon what comes out of the ground. Nor can people reach their potential when you cannot start a business without paying a bribe. In the face of these challenges, too many leaders in the region tried to direct their peoples grievances elsewhere. The West w

29、as blamed as the source of all ills, a half-century after the end of colonialism. Antagonism toward Israel became the only acceptable outlet for political expression. Divisions of tribe, ethnicity and religious sect were manipulated as a means of holding on to power, or taking it away from somebody

30、else. But the events of the past six months show us that strategies of repression and strategies of dive rsion will not work anymore. Satellite television and the Internet provide a window into the wider world - a world of astonishing progress in places like India and Indonesia and Brazil. Cell phon

31、es and social networks allow young people to connect and organize like never before. And so a new generation has emerged. And their voices tell us that change cannot be denied. In Cairo, we heard the voice of the young mother who said, “Its like I can finally breathe fresh air for the first time.” I

32、n Sanaa, we heard the students who chanted, “The night must come to an end.” In Benghazi, we heard the engineer who said, “Our words are free now. Its a feeling you cant explain.” In Damascus, we heard the young man who said, “After the first yelling, the first shout, you feel dignity.” Those shouts

33、 of human dignity are being heard across the region. And through the moral force of nonviolence, the people of the region have achieved more change in six months than terrorists have accomplished in decades. Of course, change of this magnitude does not come easily. In our day and age - a time of 24-

34、hour news cycles and constant communication - people expect the transformation of the region to be resolved in a matter of weeks. But it will be years before this story reaches its end. Along the way, there will be good days and there will bad days. In some places, change will be swift; in others, g

35、radual. And as weve already seen, calls for change may give way, in some cases, to fierce contests for power. The question before us is what role America will play as this story unfolds. For decades, the United States has pursued a set of core interests in the region: countering terrorism and stoppi

36、ng the spread of nuclear weapons; securing the free flow of commerce and safe-guarding the security of the region; standing up for Israels security and pursuing Arab-Israeli peace. We will continue to do these things, with the firm belief that Americas interests are not hostile to peoples hopes; the

37、yre essential to them. We believe that no one benefits from a nuclear arms race in the region, or al Qaedas brutal attacks. We believe people everywhere would see their economies crippled by a cut-off in energy supplies. As we did in the Gulf War, we will not tolerate aggression across borders, and

38、we will keep our commitments to friends and partners. Yet we must acknowledge that a strategy based solely upon the narrow pursuit of these interests will not fill an empty stomach or allow someone to speak their mind. Moreover, failure to speak to the broader aspirations of ordinary people will onl

39、y feed the suspicion that has festered for years that the United States pursues our interests at their expense. Given that this mistrust runs both ways - as Americans have been seared by hostage-taking and violent rhetoric and terrorist attacks that have killed thousands of our citizens - a fai lure

40、 to change our approach threatens a deepening spiral of division between the United States and the Arab world. And thats why, two years ago in Cairo, I began to broaden our engagement based upon mutual interests and mutual respect. I believed then - and I believe now - that we have a stake not just

41、in the stability of nations, but in the self-determination of individuals. The status quo is not sustainable. Societies held together by fear and repression may offer the illusion of stability for a time, but they are built upon fault lines that will eventually tear asunder. So we face a historic op

42、portunity. We have the chance to show that America values the dignity of the street vendor in Tunisia more than the raw power of the dictator. There must be no doubt that the United States of America welcomes change that advances self-determination and opportunity. Yes, there will be perils that acc

43、ompany this moment of promise. But after decades of accepting the world as it is in the region, we have a chance to pursue the world as it should be. Of course, as we do, we must proceed with a sense of humility. Its not America that put people into the streets of Tunis or Cairo - it was the people

44、themselves who launched these movements, and its the people themselves that must ultimately determine their outcome. Not every country will follow our particular form of representative democracy, and there will be times when our short-term interests dont align perfectly with our long-term vision for

45、 the region. But we can, and we will, speak out for a set of core principles - principles that have guided our response to the events over the past six months: The United States opposes the use of violence and repression against the people of the region. (Applause. The United States supports a set o

46、f universal rights. And these rights include free speech, the freedom of peaceful assembly, the freedom of religion, equality for men and women under the rule of law, and the right to choose your own leaders - whether you live in Baghdad or Damascus, Sanaa or Tehran. And we support political and eco

47、nomic reform in the Middle East and North Africa that can meet the legitimate aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region. Our support for these principles is not a secondary interest. Today I want to make it clear that it is a top priority that must be translated into concrete actions, and

48、 supported by all of the diplomatic, economic and strategic tools at our disposal. Let me be specific. First, it will be the policy of the United States to promote reform across the region, and to support transitions to democracy. That effort begins in Egypt and Tunisia, where the stakes are high -

49、as Tunisia was at the vanguard of this democratic wave, and Egypt is both a longstanding partner and the Arab worlds largest nation. Both nations can set a strong example through free and fair elections, a vibr ant civil society, accountable and effective democratic institutions, and responsible reg

50、ional leadership. But our support must also extend to nations where transitions have yet to take place. Unfortunately, in too many countries, calls for change have thus far been answered by violence. The most extreme example is Libya, where Muammar Qaddafi launched a war against his own people, prom

51、ising to hunt them down like rats. As I said when the United States joined an international coalition to intervene, we cannot prevent every injustice perpetrated by a regime against its people, and we have learned from our experience in Iraq just how costly and difficult it is to try to impose regim

52、e change by force - no matter how well-intentioned it may be. But in Libya, we saw the prospect of imminent massacre, we had a mandate for action, and heard the Libyan peoples call for help. Had we not acted along with our NATO allies and regional coalition partners, thousands would have been killed

53、. The message would have been clear: Keep power by killing as many people as it takes. Now, time is working against Qaddafi. He does not have control over his country. The opposition has organized a legitimate and credible Interim Council. And when Qaddafi inevitably leaves or is forced from power,

54、decades of provocation will come to an end, and the transition to a democratic Libya can proceed. While Libya has faced violence on the greatest scale, its not the only place where leaders have turned to repression to remain in power. Most recently, the Syrian regime has chosen the path of murder an

55、d the mass arrests of its citizens. The United States has condemned these actions, and working with the international community we have stepped up our sanctions on the Syrian regime - including sanctions announced yesterday on President Assad and those around him. The Syrian people have shown their

56、courage in demanding a transition to democracy. President Assad now has a choice: He can lead that transition, or get out of the way. The Syrian government must stop shooting demonstrators and allow peaceful protests. It must release political prisoners and stop unjust arrests. It must allow human r

57、ights monitors to have access to cities like Daraa; and start a serious dialogue to advance a democratic transition. Otherwise, President Assad and his regime will continue to be challenged from within and will continue to be isolated abroad. So far, Syria has followed its Iranian ally, seeking assi

58、stance from Tehran in the tactics of suppression. And this speaks to the hypocrisy of the Iranian regime, which says it stand for the rights of protesters abroad, yet represses its own people at home. Lets remember that the first peaceful protests in the region were in the streets of Tehran, where t

59、he government brutalized women and men, and threw innocent people into jail. We still hear the chants echo from the rooftops of Tehran. The image of a young woman dy ing in the streets is still seared in our memory. And we will continue to insist that the Iranian people deserve their universal rights, and a government that does not smother their aspirations. Now, our opposition to Irans intolerance and Irans repressive measures, as well as its illicit nuclear program and its support of terror, is well known. But if Ameri