美國總統(tǒng)演翻譯_羅斯福_1936年民主黨代表大會.docx

Democratic National Convention (June 27, 1936)美國民主黨全國代表大會（1936年6月27號）Franklin Delano Roosevelt富蘭克林德拉諾羅斯福Senator Robinson, Members of the Democratic Convention, my friends:羅賓遜議員先生，民主黨大會成員們以及我的朋友們：Here, and in every community throughout the land, we are met at a time of great moment to the future of the Nation. It is an occasion to be dedicated to the simple and sincere expression of an attitude toward problems, the determination of which will profoundly affect America.在這里以及全國各地召開的代表大會，我們在一個決定國家未來的偉大歷史時刻相聚。在這個時刻，我們需要鼓起勇氣真誠地直面困難，這個決定將能深遠地影響美國。I come not only as a leader of a party, not only as a candidate for high office, but as one upon whom many critical hours have imposed and still impose a grave responsibility.我不僅僅是一黨之首，不僅僅是一個高位的參選人，更是一個在緊要關頭挺身而出承擔重大使命的人。重大時刻已經(jīng)賦予而且正在賦予重大責任的人。For the sympathy, help and confidence with which Americans have sustained me in my task I am grateful. For their loyalty I salute the members of our great party, in and out of political life in every part of the Union. I salute those of other parties, especially those in the Congress of the United States who on so many occasions have put partisanship aside. I thank the Governors of the several States, their Legislatures, their State and local officials who participated unselfishly and regardless of party in our efforts to achieve recovery and destroy abuses. Above all I thank the millions of Americans who have borne disaster bravely and have dared to smile through the storm.美國人民給予對我的工作幫助、信任，贊同，我表示感激。我向民主黨成員致敬，他們忠于國家政治生活的里里外外。我向其他黨派的人士致敬，特別是向那些在很多場合把黨派偏見置之度外的人致敬。我感謝無私地，無政黨偏見地參與到（經(jīng)濟）重建中，抵制濫用職權的各州州長，以及他們立法人員，州立官員和地方官員。最重要的是，我感謝成千上萬勇敢抵御災難，笑對“金融風暴”的美國人。America will not forget these recent years, will not forget that the rescue was not a mere party task. It was the concern of all of us. In our strength we rose together, rallied our energies together, applied the old rules of common sense, and together survived.美國不會忘記最近的這些年，不會忘記救助不僅僅是一個黨派的任務，而是所有人的議題。我們一起站立起來，聚集我們的能量，應用舊規(guī)則的常識，一起生存。In those days we feared fear. That was why we fought fear. And today, my friends, we have won against the most dangerous of our foes. We have conquered fear.以前，我們畏懼恐懼，這也是我們?yōu)槭裁磁c恐懼作戰(zhàn)。我的朋友們，今天我們已經(jīng)戰(zhàn)勝了最危險的敵人，我們戰(zhàn)勝了恐懼。But I cannot, with candor, tell you that all is well with the world. Clouds of suspicion, tides of ill-will and intolerance gather darkly in many places. In our own land we enjoy indeed a fullness of life greater than that of most Nations. But the rush of modern civilization itself has raised for us new difficulties, new problems which must be solved if we are to preserve to the United States the political and economic freedom for which Washington and Jefferson planned and fought.然而，坦白地講，我不能告訴你說，世界很健康。在某些地方，猜疑的陰云，惡意的暗流以及偏狹正在悄悄聚集。我們確實享有了比大多數(shù)國家更豐富的生活，但是，現(xiàn)代文明的沖擊也給我們帶來了新的問題，為了保存先輩華盛頓，杰佛遜曾計劃并為之戰(zhàn)斗過的政治，經(jīng)濟自由，我們必須解決這些問題。Philadelphia is a good city in which to write American history. This is fitting ground on which to reaffirm the faith of our fathers; to pledge ourselves to restore to the people a wider freedom; to give to 1936 as the founders gave to 1776an American way of life.費城是一座書寫了美國歷史的偉大城市。這片土地適合我們重申先輩們的信仰，還給美國人更廣闊的自由，把美國的生活方式賦予1936年將向我們的先輩在1776年所做的一樣。That very word freedom, in itself and of necessity, suggests freedom from some restraining power. In 1776 we sought freedom from the tyranny of a political autocracyfrom the eighteenth century royalists who held special privileges from the crown. It was to perpetuate their privilege that they governed without the consent of the governed; that they denied the right of free assembly and free speech; that they restricted the worship of God; that they put the average mans property and the average mans life in pawn to the mercenaries of dynastic power; that they regimented the people.自由，本身意味著不受統(tǒng)治者的限制。1776年，我們從享有王國特權的保皇黨的獨裁統(tǒng)治中獲得自由。為了保證他們的特權，?；庶h的統(tǒng)治從不征求民眾的同意，他們否定自由機會，演說；他們限制崇拜上帝；他們征兵，把平民的生命財產(chǎn)全部抵押給帝國的雇傭兵。And so it was to win freedom from the tyranny of political autocracy that the American Revolution was fought. That victory gave the business of governing into the hands of the average man, who won the right with his neighbors to make and order his own destiny through his own Government. Political tyranny was wiped out at Philadelphia on July 4, 1776.為了從獨裁者的統(tǒng)治中贏得自由，美國革命爆發(fā)了。革命的勝利將管轄的權利賦予了平民，通過參與管轄，平民可以創(chuàng)造并操控自己的命運。1776年七月四日，政治獨裁在費城被徹底抹去。Since that struggle, however, mans inventive genius released new forces in our land which reordered the lives of our people. The age of machinery, of railroads; of steam and electricity; the telegraph and the radio; mass production, mass distributionall of these combined to bring forward a new civilization and with it a new problem for those who sought to remain free.從那一次努力開始，公民的創(chuàng)造天賦在我們的土地上激發(fā)了新的力量，這調(diào)整了民眾的生活秩序。工業(yè)化的時代鐵路，蒸汽，電力，電報廣播，大規(guī)模生產(chǎn)，大規(guī)模運銷，所有的這一切結合在一起帶來了一個新的文明，于此同時也給那些追尋自由的人帶來了問題。For out of this modern civilization economic royalists carved new dynasties. New kingdoms were built upon concentration of control over material things. Through new uses of corporations, banks and securities, new machinery of industry and agriculture, of labor and capital-all undreamed of by the fathersthe whole structure of modern life was impressed into this royalservice.在這個現(xiàn)代文明中，經(jīng)濟?；庶h集中建立了新的獨裁。在控制物資的基礎上新的王國建立起來。通過我們先輩從來沒有想到過的公司，銀行，證券，工農(nóng)業(yè)機械，勞動力的操縱，現(xiàn)代生活的方方面面都被納入了這個“皇室”的業(yè)務中。There was no place among this royalty for our many thousands of small business men and merchants who sought to make a worthy use of the American system of initiative and profit. They were no more free than the worker or the farmer. Even honest and progressive-minded men of wealth, aware of their obligation to their generation, could never know just where they fitted into this dynastic scheme of things.在這個“王國”中，小商人利用美國原有體系，發(fā)揮首創(chuàng)精神贏得利潤的空間被大大壓縮。他們和工人農(nóng)民一樣不自由；守信誠實，思想進步的富人雖然意識到自己對時代的責任，但他們甚至不清楚如何在這個“王朝”的體系下容身。It was natural and perhaps human that the privileged princes of these new economic dynasties, thirsting for power, reached out for control over Government itself. They created a new despotism and wrapped it in the robes of legal sanction. In its service new mercenaries sought to regiment the people, their labor, and their property. And as a result the average man once more confronts the problem that faced the Minute Man.這些新興經(jīng)濟“王國”享受著特權的王子們，野心勃勃，渴望獲得權力，甚至渴望掌控國家政府。他們創(chuàng)造了一種新形勢的獨裁，并把它掩藏在法律的長袍中。為經(jīng)濟獨裁者服務的“雇傭兵”試圖壓榨人民的勞動力，奪取人民的財產(chǎn)。平民因此不得不再次面對獨立戰(zhàn)爭中民兵所面對的困難。The hours men and women worked, the wages they received, the conditions of their laborthese had passed beyond the control of the people, and were imposed by this new industrial dictatorship. The savings of the average family, the capital of the small business man, the investments set aside for old ageother peoples moneythese were tools which the new economic royalty used to dig itself in.人們的工作時間，所獲薪酬，勞動條件，全部不受自身控制，而是由工業(yè)獨裁者單方面制定。普通家庭的存款，小商人的資本，養(yǎng)老投資他人的錢這些都是新經(jīng)濟獨裁滲透的工具。Those who tilled the soil no longer reaped the rewards which were their right. The small measure of their gains was decreed by men in distant cities.辛勤耕種的人們失去了收獲果實的權利，他們微薄的收益被千里之外的人操縱。Throughout the Nation, opportunity was limited by monopoly. Individual initiative was crushed in the cogs of a great machine. The field open for free business was more and more restricted. Private enterprise, indeed, became too private. It became privileged enterprise, not free enterprise.整個美國的機會都被壟斷所限制。個體的首創(chuàng)優(yōu)勢被大機器生產(chǎn)的成本優(yōu)勢徹底擊敗。開放給自由商業(yè)的空間再次被壓縮。私人企業(yè)，確實名副其實的私有，轉變成了、特權企業(yè)，而不是開放企業(yè)。An old English judge once said: Necessitous men are not free men. Liberty requires opportunity to make a living-a living decent according to the standard of the time, a living which gives man not only enough to live by, but something to live for.一個經(jīng)驗豐富的英國法官曾經(jīng)說過，“貧困的人不是自由的人”。自由的前提是生活，一種符合當前時代標準的體面生活一種不僅僅能使人生存，更能讓人有所追求的生活。For too many of us the political equality we once had won was meaningless in the face of economic inequality. A small group had concentrated into their own hands an almost complete control over other peoples property, other peoples money, other peoples labor, other peoples lives. For too many of us life was no longer free; liberty no longer real; men could no longer follow the pursuit of happiness.對于很多人來說，如果沒有經(jīng)濟上的平等，那么我們辛苦贏得的政治平等將變成空中樓閣。非常少的人近乎完全控制了大多數(shù)人的財物，資本，勞動力，甚至是生活的方方面面。太多的人失去了自由，失去了對于幸福的追求。Against economic tyranny such as this, the American citizen could appeal only to the organized power of Government. The collapse of 1929 showed up the despotism for what it was. The election of 1932 was the peoples mandate to end it. Under that mandate it is being ended.面對這些經(jīng)濟巨鱷的壟斷，美國公民只能向政府求助。1929年的崩潰揭示了經(jīng)濟壟斷的罪惡面目。1932年的選舉體現(xiàn)了人民要求終止壟斷的訴求。The royalists of the economic order have conceded that political freedom was the business of the Government, but they have maintained that economic slavery was nobodys business. They granted that the Government could protect the citizen in his right to vote, but they denied that the Government could do anything to protect the citizen in his right to work and his right to live.經(jīng)濟秩序的維護者承認保證政治平等是政府的功能，但是他們卻堅持認為，經(jīng)濟奴役與任何人無關；他們能夠保護公民投票的權利，但是他們卻拒絕保障公民工作和生存的權利。Today we stand committed to the proposition that freedom is no half-and-half affair. If the average citizen is guaranteed equal opportunity in the polling place, he must have equal opportunity in the market place.“自由不是割裂的”，今天，我們今天堅定地支持這個命題，。如果一個公民能在投票權上獲得平等，那么他理所應當在市場上獲得平等的機會。These economic royalists complain that we seek to overthrow the institutions of America. What they really complain of is that we seek to take away their power. Our allegiance to American institutions requires the overthrow of this kind of power. In vain they seek to hide behind the Flag and the Constitution. In their blindness they forget what the Flag and the Constitution stand for. Now, as always, they stand for democracy, not tyranny; for freedom, not subjection; and against a dictatorship by mob rule and the over-privileged alike.這些經(jīng)濟壟斷者抱怨我們試圖顛覆美國的體制。事實上，他們真正抱怨的是我們在奪走他們的權力。我們對于美國體制的忠誠恰恰要求我們顛覆這種權力。他們藏在國旗和憲法之后，試圖以此保全自身利益，然而他們忘記了國旗和憲法的象征著什么?，F(xiàn)在，和以往一樣，國旗和憲法代表著民主而不是獨裁，代表著爭取自由而不是向暴政和特權的專政屈服。The brave and clear platform adopted by this Convention, to which I heartily subscribe, sets forth that Government in a modern civilization has certain inescapable obligations to its citizens, among which are protection of the family and the home, the establishment of a democracy of opportunity, and aid to those overtaken by disaster.我非常贊許這次大會采用的大膽的、清晰的施政綱領。綱領提出，現(xiàn)代政府對保護公民的家庭，提供平等的機遇，以及為災民提供援助負有義不容辭的責任。But the resolute enemy within our gates is ever ready to beat down our words unless in greater courage we will fight for them.但是如果我們不勇敢的為承諾而戰(zhàn)的話，我們堅定的敵人隨時準備著擊敗我們。For more than three years we have fought for them. This Convention, in every word and deed, has pledged that that fight will go on.三年多以來，我們一直為他們而戰(zhàn)，這次大會，無論是從言語還是行動上都承諾，戰(zhàn)斗還將繼續(xù)。The defeats and victories of these years have given to us as a people a new understanding of our Government and of ourselves. Never since the early days of the New England town meeting have the affairs of Government been so widely discussed and so clearly appreciated. It has been brought home to us that the only effective guide for the safety of this most worldly of worlds, the greatest guide of all, is moral principle.這些年爭取自由的成功與失敗讓人民對政府和自身有了全新的理解。從美國小鎮(zhèn)開始召開會議以來，民眾還從未對政府的事情有過如此廣泛的討論和分析。這讓我們了解，道德原則是對這個世界唯一有效的引導也是最偉大的引導。We do not see faith, hope and charity as unattainable ideals, but we use them as stout supports of a Nation fighting the fight for freedom in a modern civilization.我們并不把信仰，希望，慈善當作不可觸及的理想而是將其作為在現(xiàn)代文明中爭取文明的有利武器。Faithin the soundness of democracy in the midst of dictatorships.信仰，在穩(wěn)固的民主中，在獨裁之中。Hope-renewed because we know so well the progress we have made.希望-在我們的進步中不斷被更新。Charityin the true spirit of that grand old word. For charity literally translated from the original means love, the love that understands, that does not merely share the wealth of the giver, but in true sympathy and wisdom helps men to help themselves.“慈善”是從起初的意思“愛”翻譯而來的。慈善是理解的愛，并不只是分享捐贈人的財富，而是幫助人們自己的真正的同情和智慧。We seek not merely to make Government a mechanical implement, but to give it the vibrant personal character that is the very embodiment of human charity.我們試圖避免將政府變?yōu)橐慌_沒有生命的機器，相反的，我們賦予政府人性的特點，讓讓政府體現(xiàn)對人性的關懷。We are poor indeed if this Nation cannot afford to lift from every recess of American life the dread fear of the unemployed that they are not needed in the world. We cannot afford to accumulate a deficit in the books of human fortitude.我們將是可憐的，如果我們的國家不能消除失業(yè)者靈魂深處對于自己不再被世界需要的恐懼。我們付不起人們信心缺失的代價。In the place of the palace of privilege we seek to build a temple out of faith and hope and charity.擁有行政特權的我們力圖在信仰，希望，慈善的基礎上建立一個廟宇。It is a sobering thing, my friends, to be a servant of this great cause. We try in our daily work to remember that the cause belongs not to us, but to the people. The standard is not in the hands of you and me alone. It is carried by America. We seek daily to profit from experience, to learn to do better as our task proceeds.我的朋友們，為這個偉大的事業(yè)工作是一件嚴肅的事情。我們試著在工作中牢記，這個事業(yè)屬于人民而不是我們。標準取決于全體美國人而不是由你和我制定的。我們努力總結經(jīng)驗，在任務進行的過程中，學著做得更好。Governments can err, Presidents do make mistakes, but the immortal Dante tells us that divine justice weighs the sins of the cold-blooded and the sins of the warm-hearted in different scales.政府會犯錯，總統(tǒng)也會犯錯，但是不朽的但丁告訴我們神的判決不會將殘忍的人和熱心的人犯下的罪惡一視同仁。Better the oc