如何寫開題報告及樣例1.docVIP

如何寫開題報告開題報告的內(nèi)容1、課題來源及研究的目的和意義； 2、國內(nèi)外在該方向的研究現(xiàn)狀及分析； 3、主要研究內(nèi)容及創(chuàng)新點； 4、研究方案及進(jìn)度安排，預(yù)期達(dá)到的目標(biāo)； 5、為完成課題已具備和所需的條件和經(jīng)費； 6、預(yù)計研究過程中可能遇到的困難和問題有及解決的措施； 7、主要參考文獻(xiàn)； 下面是詳細(xì)的看人家如何敘述什么是開題報告以及怎么寫：1什么是開題報告？ 開題報告是指開題者對科研課題的一種文字說明材料。這是一種新的應(yīng)用文體，這種文字體裁是隨著現(xiàn)代科學(xué)研究活動計劃性的增強和科研選題程序化管理的需要應(yīng)運而生的。開題報告一般為表格式，它把要報告的每一項內(nèi)容轉(zhuǎn)換成相應(yīng)的欄目，這樣做，既便于開題報告按目填寫，避免遺漏；又便于評審者一目了然，把握要點。2撰寫開題報告有什么意義？ 撰寫開題報告，作為多層次科研工作的第一個寫作環(huán)節(jié)，非常重要，這是因為：通過它，開題者可以把自己對課題的認(rèn)識理解程度和準(zhǔn)備工作情況加以整理、概括，以便使具體的研究目標(biāo)、步驟、方法、措施、進(jìn)度、條件等得到更明確的表達(dá)；通過它，開題者可以為評審者提供一種較為確定的開題依據(jù)?！把远鵁o文，其行不遠(yuǎn)”，以書面開題報告取代昔日廣為運用的口頭開題報告形式，無疑要切實可靠得多；如果開題一旦被批準(zhǔn)，課題得以正式確立，則還可以通過它，對立題后的研究工作發(fā)生直接的影響：或者作為課題研究工作展開時的一種暫時性指導(dǎo)；或者作為課題修正時的重要依據(jù)等?？傊蒲虚_題報告是選題階段的主要文字表現(xiàn)，它實際上成了連接選題過程中備題、開題、審題及立題這四大環(huán)節(jié)的強有力的紐帶。在當(dāng)今世界搞科學(xué)研究，必須重視開題報告的寫作。如果不重視開題報告的寫作，即使是有名望的研究者，也不免有科研課題告吹的命運。在美國有這樣一個實例：美國科學(xué)基金會曾同時收到關(guān)于同一科研課題的兩份開題報告，一份是獲得過諾貝爾獎金的西博格寫的；另一份是由名不見經(jīng)傳的一位青年研究者寫的。經(jīng)過專家們的認(rèn)真評議，結(jié)果批準(zhǔn)了那位無名小卒的申請，把這一課題的研究經(jīng)費撥給了他。所以，在美國，許多科學(xué)家每年幾乎要用兩個多月的時間從事課題建議書（即開題報告）的起草工作。就我國情況看，關(guān)于科技工作者要寫“科研開題報告”，大學(xué)研究生、本科生申請學(xué)位要寫“學(xué)位論文開題報告”等規(guī)定，都已經(jīng)處于實施之中。今后，隨著科研管理的加強，在開題報告寫作方面的要求也會越來越高。3開題報告的各個欄目怎樣填寫？3.1開題報告封面各欄目的填寫方法封頁各欄目由開題者（學(xué)生）填寫。其中“年月 日”欄目：在開題報告封面下方，應(yīng)填寫開題報告實際完成的日期。實際完成日期一般應(yīng)學(xué)校規(guī)定的時間段內(nèi)完成此項工作。逾期即被視為未按時完成開題報告工作。3.2“綜述本課題國內(nèi)外研究動態(tài)，說明選題依據(jù)和意義”欄目的填寫方法綜述（review）包括“綜”與“述”兩個方面。所謂綜，就是指作者對占有的大量素材進(jìn)行歸納整理、綜合分析，使文獻(xiàn)資料更加精煉、更加明確、更加層次分明、更有邏輯性。所謂述，就是對各家學(xué)說、觀點進(jìn)行評述，提出自己的見解和觀點。填寫本欄目實際上是要求開題者（學(xué)生）寫一篇短小的、有關(guān)本課題國內(nèi)外研究動態(tài)的綜合評述，以說明本課題是依據(jù)什么提出來的，研究本課題有什么學(xué)術(shù)價值。3.2.1 綜述的主體格式綜述的主體一般有引言、正文、總結(jié)、參考文獻(xiàn)四部分。引言部分引言用于概述主題的有關(guān)概念、定義，綜述的范圍、有關(guān)問題的現(xiàn)狀、爭論焦點等，使讀者對綜述內(nèi)容有一個初步輪廓。這部分約200300字。 正文部分正文部分主要用于敘述各家學(xué)說、闡明所選課題的歷史背景、研究現(xiàn)狀和發(fā)展方向。其敘述方式靈活多樣，沒有必須遵循的固定模式，常由作者根據(jù)綜述的內(nèi)容，自行設(shè)計創(chuàng)造。一般可將正文的內(nèi)容分成幾個部分，每個部分標(biāo)上簡短而醒目的小標(biāo)題，部分的區(qū)分也多種多樣，有的按國內(nèi)研究動態(tài)和國外研究動態(tài)，有的按年代，有的按問題，有的按不同觀點，有的按發(fā)展階段，然而不論采用何種方式，都應(yīng)包括歷史背景、現(xiàn)狀評述和發(fā)展方向三方面的內(nèi)容。歷史背景方面的內(nèi)容：按時間順序，簡述本課題的來龍去脈，著重說明本課題前人研究過沒有？研究成果如何？他們的結(jié)論是什么？通過歷史對比，說明各階段的研究水平?，F(xiàn)狀評述又分三層內(nèi)容：第一，重點論述當(dāng)前本課題國內(nèi)外的研究現(xiàn)狀，著重評述本課題目前存在的爭論焦點，比較各種觀點的異同，亮出作者的觀點；第二，詳細(xì)介紹有創(chuàng)造性和發(fā)展前途的理論和假說，并引出論據(jù)（包括所引文章的題名、作者姓名及體現(xiàn)作者觀點的資料原文）。發(fā)展方向方面的內(nèi)容：通過縱（向）橫（向）對比，肯定本課題目前國內(nèi)外已達(dá)到的研究水平，指出存在的問題，提出可能的發(fā)展趨勢，指明研究方向，提出可能解決的方法。正文部分是綜述的核心，篇幅長約10001500字。 總結(jié)部分（不是必須的）在總結(jié)部分要對正文部分的內(nèi)容作扼要的概括，最好能提出作者自己的見解，表明自己贊成什么，反對什么。要特別交待清楚的是，已解決了什么？還存在什么問題有待進(jìn)一步去探討、去解決？解決它有什么學(xué)術(shù)價值？從而突出和點明選題的依據(jù)和意義。這一部分的文字不多，與引言相當(dāng)。短篇綜述也可不單獨列出總結(jié)，僅在正文各部分?jǐn)⑹鐾旰?，用幾句話對全文進(jìn)行高度概括。 參考文獻(xiàn)參考文獻(xiàn)是綜述的原始素材，也是綜述的基礎(chǔ)，置于開題報告最后面，此處從略。3.2.2 綜述寫作步驟確立主題在開題報告中，綜述主題就是所開課題名稱。搜集與閱讀整理文獻(xiàn)題目確定后，需要查閱和積累有關(guān)文獻(xiàn)資料，這是寫好綜述的基礎(chǔ)。因而，要求搜集的文獻(xiàn)越多越全越好。常用的方法是通過文摘、索引期刊等檢索工具書查閱文獻(xiàn)，也可以采用微機聯(lián)網(wǎng)檢索等先進(jìn)的查閱文獻(xiàn)方法。有的課題還需要進(jìn)行科學(xué)實驗、觀察、調(diào)查，取得所需的資料。閱讀整理文獻(xiàn)是寫好綜述的重要步驟。在閱讀文獻(xiàn)時，必須領(lǐng)會文獻(xiàn)的主要論點和論據(jù)，做好“讀書筆記”，并制作文獻(xiàn)摘錄卡片，用自己的語言寫下閱讀時所得到的啟示、體會和想法，摘錄文獻(xiàn)的精髓，為撰寫綜述積累最佳的原始素材。閱讀文獻(xiàn)、制作卡片的過程，實際上是消化和吸收文獻(xiàn)精髓的過程。制作卡片和筆記便于加工處理，可以按綜述的主題要求進(jìn)行整理、分類編排，使之系列化和條理化。最終對分類整理好的資料進(jìn)行科學(xué)分析，寫出體會，提出自己的觀點。撰寫成文撰寫綜述之前，應(yīng)先擬定寫作提綱，然后寫出初稿，待“創(chuàng)作熱”冷卻后進(jìn)行修改成文，最后抄入開題報告表的“綜述本課題國內(nèi)外動態(tài)，說明選題依據(jù)和意義”欄目內(nèi)。3.2.3 撰寫綜述的應(yīng)注意事項撰寫綜述時，搜集的文獻(xiàn)資料盡可能齊全，切忌隨便收集一些文獻(xiàn)資料就動手撰寫，更忌諱閱讀了幾篇中文資料，便拼湊成一篇所謂的綜述。綜述的原始素材應(yīng)體現(xiàn)一個“新”字，亦即必須有最近最新發(fā)表的文獻(xiàn)，一般不將教科書、專著列入?yún)⒖嘉墨I(xiàn)。 堅持材料與觀點的統(tǒng)一，避免介紹材料太多而議論太少，或者具體依據(jù)太少而議論太多，要有明顯的科學(xué)性。 綜述的素材來自前人的文章，必須忠于原文，不可斷章取義，不可閹割或歪曲前人的觀點。3.3“研究的基本內(nèi)容，擬解決的主要問題”欄目的填寫方法本欄目由開題者（學(xué)生）填寫?！把芯康幕緝?nèi)容”和“擬解決的主要問題”在內(nèi)容上雖然緊密相關(guān)，但角度不同，在填寫時，可以分別表述。3.3.1 “研究的基本內(nèi)容”的填寫方法?！把芯康幕緝?nèi)容”就是論文（設(shè)計）正文部分的內(nèi)容，是研究內(nèi)容的核心。正文內(nèi)容又分為若干部分和層級。填寫此欄目實際上是編寫論文基本內(nèi)容的寫作提綱?；緝?nèi)容提綱的寫法有兩種：一種是標(biāo)題法，即用一個小標(biāo)題的形式把一個部分的內(nèi)容概括出來。標(biāo)題法的長處是：簡明、扼要、能一目了然。短處是：只能自己理解，別人看不明白，而且時間一長，自己也會模糊。另一種是句字法，即用一個能表達(dá)完整意思的句子形式，把一個部分的內(nèi)容概括出來。句子法的長處是：具體、明確，無論放下多久，都不會忘記，別人看了也明白。短處是：寫作時不能一目了然，不便于思考，文字也多。上述兩種寫法，各有優(yōu)缺點，用哪一種好，還是混合使用好，這由作者自己確定。不管是文科論文，還是理工科論文寫作提綱，都沒有必須遵循的固定模式，一切視研究內(nèi)容的需要而定。以下介紹兩個案例，供填寫“研究的基本內(nèi)容”欄目時參考Research ProposalWhat Roles Do Non-State Actors Play in the Provision of Security in Ghana?Research AimIn a lot of developing countries, including Ghana, due to inability or unwillingness, formal state security systems are unable to meet the security needs of a majority of citizens, particularly the poor. Consequently, a lot of these poor people depend on non-state actors for their security needs, with both positive and negative effects. The aim of this study is therefore to investigate the role that non-state actors play in the provision of security in Ghana, and thus help contribute to thinking on security provision in the country. BackgroundSecurity is an important condition for development, and states have traditionally provided it to citizens. However, an increasing phenomenon is the provision of security functions by private actors to states, private organizations and individuals. Security privatisation is, however, not a new phenomenon; it dates back to the early Greek, and Roman armies. Holmqvist (2005) Contemporary private security has two broad forms, one formalized and consisting of individuals and organizations structured along corporate lines and providing services independent of the state. Gumedze (2007) The second form consists of non-state actors who provide security, usually to the poor and marginalized in developing countries who are unable to procure the services of commercial security. They include individual security provisioning, neighborhood watch committees and vigilantes among others. The state- non-state taxonomy is preferred to the formal-informal taxonomy common in discourses on private security. This is because some non-state security arrangements are quite formal in organization; they are not ad hoc in character. Ibeanu and Momoh (2008) Much of the literature on security privatization in Africa has tended to focus on the activities of private military and commercial private security companies, with little on the non-commercial, non-state private actors. Yet, in many developing countries, these systems are the primary providers of justice and security to the poor. The existence of numerous non-state security and justice systems in most of the developing world suggests that formal systems are inaccessible to majority of ordinary people, or where they are accessible, they are not effective at delivering security and justice for various reasons. Some reasons attributed to the increasing use of private security, include the impact of globalization and the inability or unwillingness of some of these states, to provide security as a public good. In the broadest sense, security in much of Africa is about protection against local crime and of personal security, protection of land and property, access to justice and resolution of community disputes DFID (2004) . In many developing countries however, the lack of effective public security, and the use of private commercial security by those who can afford it, means that crime and insecurity invariably shift to poor locales. Also, most of the public and private security institutions in the developing world are urban focused, whilst a majority of the poor live in rural areas and are thus excluded from the benefits of policing. Thus, poor people tend to gravitate toward non-state systems of security and justice because they find the formal systems expensive, slow and difficult to access, with police and prosecutors often biased towards powerful elite interests. They are thus forced to depend on community based arrangements informal and non-state security systems that usually do not have any links to the state. Where links exist, they have been state-sponsored arrangements like the Hisbah in Kano. Ibeanu & Momoh (2008) Overall, state actors tend to be more hostile to informal security systems than they are to informal justice systems, perceiving the former as undermining the monopoly of the use of force by the state.Poor people, particularly in urban locales, often live on the margins of illegality in society in terms of illegal acquisition of housing, non-payment of taxation, etc. Consequently, they are unable or unwilling to approach formal state institutions to seek security and justice to avoid drawing attention to themselves. They therefore tend to rely on informal systems. In Alexandria, Egypt for instance, about 68% of the citys population live in squatter settlements built informally in violation of building regulations. This makes squatters vulnerable to police action and exploitation. Anderson (2003) Yet, whether living in illegality or not, these people have security and justice needs too, and would thus resort to systems that, though not formally recognized, provide these services. These systems however are not all without their own flaws, they are sometimes plagued by local power imbalances, and when this is the case, some poor people do not seek redress there, resulting in disputes sometimes escalating into violence. World Bank (2004) There is therefore the need to examine the impacts of these other systems on security, justice and socio-economic development, especially in the developing world.Case StudyGhana is a relatively peaceful country in a turbulent West African sub-region. In recent years however, there has been an increase in the activities of non-state security groups, due in part to ineffectiveness of the formal state system, especially the police, and an increasing crime rate. This has led ordinary people to seek justice and security from non-state actors. Whilst the wealthy are able to afford the services of commercial private security companies, the poor and marginalized who form a majority of the population, are forced to seek security outside these systems. This has an effect on poverty, inequality and the socio-economic development of these communities. These alternative systems are largely recognized as legitimate actors in these communities, even if they do not always provide equitable access or demonstrate respect for the rights of all community members. This has led to two parallel security systems operating under the facade of a collective governance arrangement the state system, which largely caters to the needs and interests of the elite and its network of cronies; and an informal sector, where those without access to the state structures retreat. There is thus the need for a closer examination of this development, instead of relegating much of these activities (particularly those dealing with security and safety) to the realm of criminality.Research QuestionsThe research will seek to answer the following questions:a. Which organisations are officially mandated to provide security in the country, and what perceptions do ordinary Ghanaians have of these organisations?b. To whom do the majority of Ghanaians (particularly the poor) turn to for security? c. Who or what are the non-state security actors in the country and where do they get their mandate from?d. What activities or services do these non-state actors engage in or provide, and what is the impact of their activities on the poor in the country?e. What are the benefits of their activities, and what threats do their activities pose?MethodologyThe proposed study will be conducted bearing in mind issues of costs, time and access to the target population. It will be carried out in three phases, using quantitative and qualitative methods to collect primary data. Phase One will involve an in-depth literature review to achieve a more detailed theoretical framework and definitions of variables that will influence questionnaire and interview designs and subsequent analyses. During Phase Two, primary and secondary data will be collected from various identified actors in Ghana. Primary data will be collected using interviews and questionnaires. These interviews and questionnaires will be administered in two towns, the capital Accra which is urban in characteristics, and Tamale, a semi-rural town in the northern part of the country, where there is a simmering conflict over chieftaincy. Secondary data sources will include books, journals, reports, statutes and archival information. The population for the study will include chiefs and traditional leaders in communities, the police and military personnel, employees of private security organizations, land guards, community/communal security providers, non-governmental organizations and selected members of the general population. During Stage Three, the data generated and collected will be analyzed and interpreted to come out with the research findings. Research ChallengesSome problems that could affect the research include a limited access to some organizations like the security agencies This can however be overcome by using gatekeepers at these institutions. Having attended several courses and conferences with some officers from some of these institutions during my career in the Army, they will be contacted to facilitate access to these institutions. Another problem that could arise will be the transmission of inherent errors and biases of data collected from secondary sources. To resolve this, secondary data that will be used will be limited to official documents and research done by appropriately recognized bodies who would have likely taken the necessary precautions to reduce such errors and biases. Provisional TimelinePhase One and questionnaire design will be completed by the end of May 2008 and Phase Two will be conducted in June 2008. Phase Three and a first draft will be completed by the end of November 2008. This draft will be circulated to the Conflict, Security and Development Group at Kings College, London for comments. The final working paper will be submitted to Global Consortium by the end of January 2010.Provisional Bibliography Adebajo Adekeye and Rashid Ismail, ed. (2004), West Africas Security Challenges. Building Peace in a Troubled Region (London and Boulder: Lynne Rienner).Anderson M (2003), IDS Working Paper 178. Access to justice and legal process: making legal institutions responsive to poor people in LDCs, /Files/Filer/IPIP/training/Victims_and_Acces_to_Justice-Primer.pdf, accessed 3 March, 2009.DFID (2004) Non State Justice and security systems DFID Briefing /docs/open/SSAJ101.pdf accessed 6 March 2009Gumedze, Sabelo (2007), The Private Security Sector in Africa. The 21st Centurys Major Cause for Concern? Occasional Paper 131, Institute for Security Studies, .za/static/templates/tmpl_html.php?node_id=2140&slink_id=4300&slink_type=12&link_id=30, accessed 23 March, 2009.Holmqvist, Caroline (2005), Private Security Companies: The Case for Regulation, SIPRI Policy Paper, No. 9, /files/PP/SIPRIPP09.pdf, accessed 27 March, 2009.Ibeanu O & Momoh A (2008), State Responsiveness to Public Security Nee