McQuail27s normative theories翻譯.doc

Passage Two McQuails Normative Theories We may not hear the clash of battle but we can be sure it is raging; and we may need to be wary of whatever ”peace treaty” emerges from the struggle, for the signatories to it, the beneficiaries, will be corporate, not individual, with the public functioning largely as spectators. This is a timely moment to conduct an overview of contrasting theories of purpose and to examine a number of principles of media performance which may or may not survive into the new Digital Age.我們也許沒有聽到戰(zhàn)斗的沖突聲,但我們可以確信它是激烈的，并且我們需要當(dāng)心任何在斗爭中出現(xiàn)的和平條約，因為簽署國對于收益人來說是全體的，而不是個人的，公眾很大程度上只是起了旁觀者的作用。現(xiàn)在是個恰當(dāng)?shù)臅r機來對比較理論的目的進(jìn)行一個概述，和檢驗在新的數(shù)字時代許多媒介原理能不能存活下來。All parties to the definition of the functions or purposes of media find little difficulty agreeing that the task of media is to inform, to educate and to entertain. Yet for the student of communication, such a trio of media goals resembles a set of holograms, appearing to have substance and meaning but reaching out to them only locates thin air. Information, yesbut what information; education, yesbut what do we mean by education; entertainment, certainlybut does it s separate classification mean that it cannot also be informative and educational or that information and education cannot be entertaining? Several commentators, best known among them Denis McQuail, have sought to create a more complex taxonomy of purposes as they operate in varying contexts.在對于媒介功能或目的的定義上，各方所少有爭議的就是其具有通知，教育和娛樂的任務(wù)。然而對于學(xué)習(xí)傳播學(xué)的學(xué)生來說，媒介所具有的這三個功能就像是一幅全息投影，看起來好像有實質(zhì)的內(nèi)容和意義，但是其實他們并不能真正理解（媒介的三個功能）。是的，媒介提供信息，但是提供什么樣的信息；媒介有教育的功能，但是我們在這里所講的教育是什么樣的教育；媒介具有娛樂的功能這是肯定的，但是將媒介的娛樂功能獨立分類是否意味著媒介在承擔(dān)娛樂功能的同時是不能夠傳達(dá)信息和進(jìn)行教育的，或者說傳達(dá)信息和進(jìn)行教育是不能通過娛樂的方式實現(xiàn)的。一些評論家，其中最著名的是麥奎爾，正在試圖創(chuàng)造一個更加復(fù)雜的關(guān)于媒介在不同的情境之下的目的分類系統(tǒng)。They are referred to as normative theories. By this we mean functions as they should be according to dominant criteria; in some cases an ideal, in others a necessity; and they constitute guidelines to performance. In Mass Communication Theory:An Introduction, McQuail posits six normative theories of media purposes:n Authoritarian theoryn Free Press theoryn Social Responsibilityn Soviet theoryn Development theoryn Democratic-participant theoryIn each case the theory relates the performance of media to the position taken up by the state towards the transmission of information, comment and expression. 它們被稱為規(guī)范理論。通過這一點，我們指，在某些理想的狀況下，或者在其他必須的情況下，職能應(yīng)該根據(jù)最高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，并構(gòu)成標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的表現(xiàn)。在大眾傳播理論的一個介紹中，麥奎爾提出了六個媒體規(guī)范理論的目的：n 權(quán)威理論n 自由新聞理論n 社會責(zé)任理論n 蘇聯(lián)理論n 發(fā)展理論n 民主參與理論在每種情況下，這些理論都將媒體的行為和政府對信息傳播、評論、態(tài)度所采取的態(tài)度聯(lián)系起來。n Authoritarian TheoryThe authoritarian theory describes a situation where government, in the hands of a tyrant or a ruling elite who exercise repressive power over the people, lays down the law as to what the media can communicate. In this context the media are servants of state, the mouthpiece of government. If they are perceived to fail in that capacity, by showing a degree of editorial independence, they are censored or shut down.n 專制理論 專制理論描述了一種情況，就像掌握在能行使壓制性力量控制人民的暴君或是統(tǒng)治精英手中的政府制定法律一樣，媒介進(jìn)行傳播也是如此。在這種背景下，媒體是國家公務(wù)員，政府的喉舌。如果他們意識到通過顯示編輯獨立性會使得他們在這一職位上失敗，那么他們就會被審查或是刪除。n Free Press theory On the face of it Free Press theory, sometimes refered to as Libertarian theory, is the exact opposite of authoritarian theory: as first principle is that the free press is servant to none but its readership in its task of informing, educating and entertaining, the press of the western world would place itself in this category, free expression, unchecked by censorship-external or internal-is what media are about. the ”free” claim fearlessness in the pursuit of truth. they take a pride in being the conscience and watchdog over the rights of the people. n 新聞自由理論從表面上看，新聞自由理論有時稱為自由意志主義理論，與專制理論正好相反：它的第一個原則是，新聞自由只能是將通知，教育和娛樂作為任務(wù)來服務(wù)于讀者，西方世界的新聞會置身于這類言論自由。言論自由，通過審查來看清外部或內(nèi)部的模樣?！白杂伞甭暦Q無畏追求真相，他們因為超越看門狗而追求人們的權(quán)利和良知感到驕傲. It is with the Free Press theory-so the theory goes-that error is exposed and the truth arrived at, and in the USA, this principle is duly enshrined in the First Amendment to the Constitution. This states that “Congress shall make no lawabridging the freedom of speech of the freedom of speech of the press.” McQuail asks, as perhaps we all must, exactly whose freedom the media are expressing; and how free is free in situations dominated by competition, reliance on advertising and deeply affected by patterns of ownership, all operating in wider contexts in which there are conflicting interests and competing definitions of freedom. 這是新聞自由理論，理論上是這樣，差錯的暴露和真相的抵達(dá)，在美國，這一原則正式寫入了憲法第一修正案。這說明，“國會不得立法剝奪的新聞界的言論自由，新聞自由。“麥奎爾問，也許我們都必須準(zhǔn)確的弄清媒體表達(dá)的自由；自由是如何在競爭的情況下占據(jù)主導(dǎo)地位，它對廣告的依賴和被所有制模式的深刻影響，在更廣闊的背景中，是如何由利益沖突和競爭的定義自由操作。n Social Responsibility Theory Responsibility theory works according to the notion that the media have a number of obligations to the public; what one might term a public stewardship. Public Service Broadcasting would come under this heading, for regulation by law or self-imposition, is seen as necessary in order to operate socially responsible checks and balances upon freedoms.n 責(zé)任理論 根據(jù)責(zé)任理論的概念，媒體有一些公眾義務(wù)工作；被稱為公共政策。公共廣播服務(wù)會在這個標(biāo)題下，由法律或自我強加的規(guī)定，被視為是必要的以承擔(dān)社會責(zé)任和制衡自由。The liberty which Free Press theory demands might result in attacks in print or on air upon minorities. This would be freedom unchecked by responsibility: the right of free speech takes priority over the social-the public-damages that can be caused by such free expression . In party political matters Free Press theory insists on the right to be biased in favour of one party against another, to flatter the one and disparage the other, whereas the Social Responsibility theory would urge that, in the public interest, and in the interests of true representation(or an aspiration to it), both sides of a case should be put.新聞自由的自由理論的要求可能導(dǎo)致重復(fù)攻擊在少數(shù)的群體。這將是自由不承擔(dān)責(zé)任的表現(xiàn):言論自由權(quán)優(yōu)先于社會，可以通過這種自由的表達(dá)獲得公共賠償。在政黨政治事件中新聞自由理論堅持有權(quán)偏袒一方和反對另一個,奉承和貶低,而社會責(zé)任理論將敦促公共利益的實現(xiàn)，而在代表真正的利益(或一個愿望)時,應(yīng)該把雙方都考慮到。For such a theory to work successfully there are implications for ownership and control, not just of one newspaper or broadcasting company but across the whole spectrum of media. The theory would demand a pluralist media in a pluralist society and this would only be possible through multiple ownership. Under such criteria a newspaper owner would not be permitted to move into TV, especially if the owners paper published in the same city as the TV company he/she was interested in controlling.這樣一個理論的成功運作會對所有權(quán)和控制權(quán)造成影響,不僅僅是一份報紙或廣播公司，而是整個范圍內(nèi)的媒體。理論的需求會使得多元媒體共存于一個多元社會，這只可能通過多個所有權(quán)來實現(xiàn)。這種標(biāo)準(zhǔn)下報紙所有者不會被允許進(jìn)入電視行業(yè)，尤其是報紙和電視公司的老板處于他/她有興趣控制的同一個城市里。n Soviet TheoryThe soviet system has passed away and, with it-for the time being at least-Soviet theory. It is still worth outlining its principles, if only to explain how it differed from Authoritarian theory. In practice, of course, it didnt: the press,broadcasting,cinema, book publishing-indeed all message systems-were in the service of the state.But they were the not privately run. The media in Soviet Russia were the voice of the state, yes, but theoretically they were also the voice of the people.蘇聯(lián)系統(tǒng)以及短暫存在的蘇聯(lián)理論已經(jīng)不復(fù)存在。概述其原則,仍然是有價值的，只要能解釋它如何不同于專制理論。當(dāng)然在實踐中它沒有：媒體,廣播,電影,書中所有消息真實存在的系統(tǒng)服務(wù)的狀態(tài)。但他們不是私營。媒體在蘇聯(lián)代表的是國家的聲音,是的,但理論上他們也人民的聲音。They had the task of informing and educating the people in socialism because this way viewed as unquestionably in the peoples interest. The role of the media was to mobilise and to sustain the socialist revolution, to defend it against counter-revolution and to protect it from the “evil” influence of capitalism. Censorship was acceptable if it meant that the people were shielded from ideas and information which might contradict,and therefore undermine,the ruling ideology of communism. 他們的任務(wù)是通知和教育人民社會主義，因為這種方式無疑被視為人的利益。媒體的作用是調(diào)動和維持社會主義革命,捍衛(wèi)它反對反革命和保護它從資本主義的“邪惡”的影響。審查是可以接受的,如果它意味著屏蔽人們的思想和信息,可能會遭到反駁，從而破壞執(zhí)政的共產(chǎn)主義的意識形態(tài)。n Development TheoryAs the name implies this theory relates to media operating in developing,or so-termed Third World nations.It has parallels with the Soviet theory because media are seen to serve a particular social and political function.It favours journalism which seeks out good news,in contrast to the Free Press position where journalists respond most readily to stories of disaster ,and for whom “bad news is good news”because it commands bigger headlines.顧名思義，這一理論存在于媒體的經(jīng)營發(fā)展中,或被劃分為第三世界國家。它與蘇聯(lián)理論相關(guān)在于媒體是存在于一個特定的社會和具有政治功能。它有利于新聞尋找好消息,記者與新聞自由位置最容易應(yīng)對災(zāi)難故事，無論誰“壞消息都是好消息”,因為它有大的頭條。Development theory requires that bad news stories are treated with caution,for such stories can be economically damaging to a nation in the delicate throes of growth and change.Grim headlines can put off investors,even persuade them to pull out their investments.As an antidote to the bad news syndrome,Development theory seeks to accentuate the positive;it nurtures the autonomy of the developing nation and gives special emphasis to indigenous cultures.It is both a theory of state support and one of resistance-resistance that is to the norms of competing nations and competing theories of media.發(fā)展理論要求謹(jǐn)慎對待壞消息,這些故事可以損害一個國家的經(jīng)濟增長和導(dǎo)致微妙的痛苦改變。嚴(yán)峻的標(biāo)題可以讓投資者們,甚至說服他們撤出投資。作為壞消息綜合癥的解毒劑，發(fā)展理論旨在強調(diào)積極的;它培育發(fā)展中國家的自主權(quán),給本土文化特別強調(diào)。它既是一個理論的支持也是相互支持的原因之一是競爭國家的規(guī)范和媒體的競爭理論。This is the reason why the actors in the Free Press system are often unhappy with and rejective of Development theory attitudes and practice.They attack these as censorship .The wealthy capitalist nations,and their media advocates,developing nations can compete,the West recognizes no frontiers to free enterprise;and what frontiers are set against it are simply bought away,evaded by satellite or crushed by the software of information ,education and entertainment which has more power than the colonising armies of the past(see note 5 for a comment on the New World Information Order, associated with Development theory).這就是為什么演員常常不滿和排斥新聞自由系統(tǒng)理論的態(tài)度和其實踐的發(fā)展。他們攻擊這些審查。富人的資本主義國家,他們的媒體支持,發(fā)展中國家可以競爭,西方承認(rèn)自由企業(yè)沒有邊界;與它只是買了逃避通過衛(wèi)星或被信息的軟件,教育和娛樂比比過去的殖民軍隊有更多的權(quán)力(見注5評論信息世界政治經(jīng)濟新秩序,與發(fā)展相關(guān)理論)。n Democratic-participant Theory This represents the sort of media purpose the idealist dreams up in the bath.It is an aspiration rather than a phenomenon which can be recognised anywhere in practice, yet it is surely one which any healthy democracy should regard as a goal.Denis McQuail,having queried whether the Democratic-participant theory warrants a separates normative classification,concludes that it deserves its identity because it challenge reigning theories and offers a positive strategy towards the achievement of new forms of media institution. 媒體的這種目的就像是理想主義者泡在浴缸里的夢想。它是一種愿望,而不是一種現(xiàn)象,可以承認(rèn)它存在于任何地方的實踐中,但它無疑是一個健康的民主，我們應(yīng)該將其視為一個目標(biāo)。丹尼斯.麥奎爾,在分析民主參與中權(quán)證分離是否規(guī)范的分類理論時，得出結(jié)論,它應(yīng)有其