合國安理會60周年上的發(fā)言.doc

聯(lián)合國秘書長安南在聯(lián)合國安理會60周年上的發(fā)言Kofi Annan Secretary-Generals address to the 2005 World SummitUnited Nations HeadquartersNew York, New York September 14, 2005Majesties, Heads of State and Government, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Two years ago, speaking from this podium, I said that we stood at a fork in the road. I did not mean that the United Nations, marking its sixtieth anniversary this year, was in existential crisis. The Organization remains fully engaged in conflict resolution, peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance, defence of human rights, and development around the world. No, I meant that deep divisions among Member States, and the underperformance of our collective institutions, were preventing us from coming together to meet the threats we face and seize the opportunities before us.The clear danger was that States of all kinds might increasingly resort to self-help, leading to a proliferation of ad hoc responses that would be divisive, destabilizing, and dangerous. To help you, the Member States, chart a more hopeful course, I appointed the High-level Panel, and commissioned the Millennium Project. Their reports set the agenda for reform.Drawing on these reports and the early reactions of Member States, as well as my own conviction that our work must be based on respect for human rights, I put forward, six months ago, a balanced set of proposals for decisions at this Summit. Those proposals were ambitious. But I believed they were necessary, given the era of peril and promise in which we live. And I believed they were achievable, if the political will was there.Since then, under the able leadership of President Ping, your representatives have been negotiating an outcome document for this Summit. They have worked hard, right up to the last minute, and yesterday they produced the document that is now before you.Even before they finished their work, this Summit served as a trigger for progress on critical issues. In recent months, a Democracy Fund has been created, and a convention against nuclear terrorism has been finalized. Most important of all, an additional $50 billion a year has been unleashed to fight poverty by 2010. The 0.7 target has gained new support; innovative sources of financing are now coming to fruition; and there has been progress on debt relief. By your agreement on the outcome document, these achievements will be locked in. And progress on development will be matched by commitments to good governance and national plans to achieve the Millennium Development Goals by 2015. Millions of lives, and the hopes of billions, rest on the implementation of these and other pledges to fight poverty, disease, illiteracy, inequality, and on development remaining at the centre of trade negotiations in the year ahead. Your adoption of the outcome document will achieve vital breakthroughs in other areas as well. You will condemn terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, committed by whomever, wherever, for whatever purpose. You will pledge to seek agreement on a comprehensive anti-terrorism convention in the coming year. And you will signal your support for a strategy to make sure that we fight terrorism in a way that makes the international community stronger and terrorists weaker, not the other way around.For the first time, you will accept, clearly and unambiguously, that you have a collective responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. You will make clear your willingness to take timely and decisive collective action through the Security Council, when peaceful means prove inadequate and national authorities are manifestly failing to protect their own populations. Excellencies, you will be pledged to act if another Rwanda looms. You will agree to establish a Peacebuilding Commission, backed by a support office and a fund. This will mark a new level of strategic commitment to one of the most important contributions the United Nations makes to international peace and security. You will also agree to create a standing police capacity for the United Nations peacekeeping operations.You will agree to double the budget of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and strengthen her office. You will also agree that the failures of the Human Rights Commission must be remedied by establishing a new Human Rights Council, the details of which must now be worked out during the 60th General Assembly.You will strengthen early humanitarian funding, to prevent hidden emergencies remaining forgotten - as we have seen happen too often, particularly in Africa. And you will put in place a framework for a far-reaching Secretariat and management reform, which must be followed up and implemented. An independent oversight committee and ethics office, on which I will be giving you more details in the near future, will help ensure accountability and integrity, while the review of old mandates, the overhaul of rules on budget and human resources, and one-time buy-out of staff, will help re-align the Secretariat to the priorities of the Organization in the 21st century.Taken together, this amounts to a far-reaching package of changes. But let us be frank with each other, and with the peoples of the United Nations. We have not yet achieved the sweeping and fundamental reform that I and many others believe is required. Sharp differences, some of them substantive and legitimate, have played their part in preventing that. Our biggest challenge, and our biggest failing, is on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament. Twice this year - at the NPT review conference, and now at this Summit - we have allowed posturing to get in the way of results. This is inexcusable. Weapons of mass destruction pose a grave danger to us all, particularly in a world threatened by terrorists with global ambitions and no inhibitions. We must pick up the pieces in order to renew negotiations on this vital issue, and we should support the efforts Norway has been making to find a basis for doing so. Likewise, Security Council reform has, for the moment, eluded us, even though everyone broadly agrees that it is long overdue. The fact that you have not reached agreement on these and other issues does not render them any less urgent. So this package is a good start. On some issues, we have real breakthroughs. On others, we have narrowed our differences and made progress. On others again, we remain worryingly far apart. We must now turn to the next stages in the reform process. First, we must implement what has been agreed. The coming session of the General Assembly will be one of its most important, and we must give our support to President Eliasson as he assumes his duties. We must get the Peacebuilding Commission and the Human Rights Council up and running, conclude a comprehensive convention on terrorism, and make sure the Democracy Fund starts working effectively. And the coming years will test our resolve to halve extreme poverty by 2015, to act if genocide looms again, and to improve our success rate in building peace in war-torn countries. These are the tests that really matter.Second, we must keep working with determination on the tough issues on which progress is urgent but has not yet been achieved. Because one thing has emerged clearly from this process on which we embarked two years ago: whatever our differences, in our interdependent world, we stand or fall together. Whether our challenge is peacemaking, nation-building, democratization or responding to natural or man-made disasters, we have seen that even the strongest amongst us cannot succeed alone. At the same time, whether our task is fighting poverty, stemming the spread of disease, or saving innocent lives from mass murder, we have seen that we cannot succeed without the leadership of the strong, and the engagement of all. And we have been reminded, again and again, that to ignore basic principles of democracy, of human rights, of rule of law for the sake of expediency, undermines confidence in our collective institutions, in building a world that is freer, fairer and safer for all.That is why a healthy, effective United Nations is so vital. If properly utilized, it can be a unique marriage of power and principle, in the service of all the worlds peoples. And that is why this reform process matters, and must continue. No matter how frustrating things are, no matter how difficult agreement is, there is no escaping the fact that the challenges of our time must be met by action and today, more than ever, action must be collective if it is to be effective.For my part, I am ready to work with you on the challenges that remain , on implementing what has been agreed, and on continuing to reform the culture and practice of the Secretariat. We must restore confidence in the Organizations integrity, impartiality, and ability to deliver for the sake of our dedicated staff, and those vulnerable and needy people throughout the world who look to the United Nations for support.It is for their sake, not yours or mine, that this reform agenda matters. It is to save their lives, to protect their rights, to ensure their safety and freedom, that we simply must find effective collective responses to the challenges of our time. I urge you, as world leaders, individually and collectively, to keep working on this reform agenda - to have the patience to persevere, and the vision needed to forge a real consensus.We must find what President Franklin Roosevelt once called “the courage to fulfil our responsibilities in an admittedly imperfect world”. I am not sure we have done that yet. But I believe all of us now understand that we need to do it. Precisely because our world is imperfect, we need the United Nations. Thank you very much.秘書長在世界首腦會議上的致辭2005年9月14日，紐約主席先生，各位陛下，各位國家元首和政府首腦，各位閣下，女士們、先生們，兩年前，我在這個講臺上說，我們正站在岔道口上。我當時的意思并不是說，今年已屆六十周年的聯(lián)合國面臨生存危機。聯(lián)合國仍然全力以赴，在世界各地解決沖突、維持和平、提供人道主義援助、捍衛(wèi)人權(quán)和促進發(fā)展。不，我當時的意思是，會員國之間存在深刻分歧，我們的集體體制表現(xiàn)不如預期，此種狀況使我們無法同心協(xié)力應(yīng)對我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)并抓住面前的機遇。有一種明顯的危險是，各種各樣的國家可能越來越傾向于采取自救措施，這又導致大量會制造分歧、不穩(wěn)定和危險的臨時性權(quán)宜應(yīng)對措施。為了幫助你們會員國規(guī)劃一個更有希望的行動方向，我任命了高級別小組并委托進行千年項目。該小組和該項目的報告定出了改革的議程。根據(jù)這些報告和會員國的早期反應(yīng)，并根據(jù)我自己的信念，就是說我們的工作必須以尊重人權(quán)為基礎(chǔ)，我在六個月前向會員國推出了一套均衡的兼顧的提案，供這次首腦會議作出決定。這些提案是雄心勃勃的。但是我相信，考慮到我們所處的這個危險與希望并存的時代，這些提案是必須的。我還相信，如果具備政治意愿，這些提案是可以實現(xiàn)的。自那時以來，在平主席的卓越領(lǐng)導下，會員國代表一直就這次首腦會議的成果文件進行磋商。他們辛勤工作到最后一刻，昨天，他們提出了現(xiàn)在在大家面前的這份文件。在他們完成工作之前，本次首腦會議就早已促使在關(guān)鍵問題上取得進展。近月來，一個民主基金業(yè)已建立，一個反核恐怖主義公約也已定稿。最重要的是，已每年增撥500億美元，用于直至2010年的扶貧工作。0.7的目標獲得新的支持；新的資金來源目前正在取得成果；減免債務(wù)方面也取得進展。如果大家贊同這份成果文件，這些成就就能得到鞏固。發(fā)展會取得進展，同時還會承諾實施良治，并制訂在2015年底前實現(xiàn)千年發(fā)展目標的國家計劃。千百萬人的生命以及數(shù)十億人的希望有賴于戰(zhàn)勝貧窮、疾病、文盲和不平等的這些承諾和其他諾言的實現(xiàn)，有賴于發(fā)展依然成為來年貿(mào)易談判的核心議題。成果文件如果獲得大家通過，也會導致在其他領(lǐng)域取得重大突破。你們將譴責一切形式的恐怖行為，無論是什么人在什么地方為什么目的作出的恐怖行為。你們會承諾在來年設(shè)法達成一項全面反恐公約。你們會表示支持一項戰(zhàn)略，這項戰(zhàn)略將確保我們打擊恐怖主義的方法能加強國際社會、削弱恐怖分子，而不是相反。你們會首次明確而毫不含糊地承認，你們負有保護民眾免遭種族滅絕、戰(zhàn)爭罪行、族裔清洗和危害人類罪行侵害的集體責任。你們會在和平手段證明無效、國家權(quán)力機構(gòu)顯然不能保護本國人民的情況下，明確表示愿意通過安全理事會，采取及時和果斷的集體行動。各位閣下，你們會保證在可能出現(xiàn)另一個盧旺達時，行動起來。你們會同意建立一個配備支助辦公室和基金的建設(shè)和平委員會。這將是在新的高度對聯(lián)合國為國際和平與安全所作的一個最重要的貢獻作出的戰(zhàn)略承諾。你們也會同意為聯(lián)合國維和行動建立常備警力。你們會同意將人權(quán)事務(wù)高級專員辦事處的預算增加一倍，并加強該辦事處。你們也會同意，必須通過建立新的人權(quán)理事會來彌補人權(quán)委員會的失敗，其具體細節(jié)必須在大會第六十屆會議期間擬定。你們將加強及早提供人道主義資金的做法，防止隱藏的緊急狀況永遠被遺忘這種情況我們看得太多了，特別是在非洲。并且你們將制訂一個對秘書處和管理部門實行深遠改革的框架，而現(xiàn)在必須采取后續(xù)行動，貫徹執(zhí)行。一個獨立的監(jiān)督委員會和一個道德操守辦公室將有助于確保問責和正直誠信，同時，對年代已久的任務(wù)的審查、預算和人力資源規(guī)則的修改以及實施一次性工作人員有償離職的辦法，將幫助秘書處按照本組織在21世紀的優(yōu)先事項作出調(diào)整?？傊?，這是一套影響深遠的改革計劃。但我們要彼此坦誠，要對聯(lián)合國人民坦誠。我們尚未達成我和其他許多人認為必需進行的全面、根本改革的計劃。鮮明的分歧，有些是實質(zhì)性的、有理的分歧，阻礙了這樣一個計劃的達成。我們最大的挑戰(zhàn)，我們最大的失敗，是在核不擴散和裁軍問題上。今年，我們已經(jīng)兩度一次在不擴散條約審議大會上，現(xiàn)在又在本次首腦會議上聽任擺姿態(tài)之舉成為取得成果的絆腳石。這是無法辯解的。大規(guī)模毀滅性武器給我